It goes without saying that inflation is eating away at the purchasing power of millions. The last blow was the devaluation carried out by Massa a few hours after the electoral defeat. The discomfort is felt in the workplace but also warned at the polls. The defeat of Peronism was hard. The explanation is, to a large extent, that he buried all his promises of improvements and with his adjustment he opened the way to the right.
The defeat made noise even in the corridors of the union offices. The thread between the leadership of the CGT, the CTA and the government lasted all week. “The time has come to demonstrate that this is not a government with its hands tied willing to be passed over,” said Hugo Yasky, as if the passage of time and the crisis were free. “The government has to react” said Pablo Moyano, forgetting that Massa reacted, the problem that followed the orders of the IMF.
Despite the defeat, the Peronist trade unionism continues to debate. If it is a fixed sum or reopening of parities. If it is for everyone and all or for the lowest categories. If it is 50, 75 or 100 thousand. Some unions aligned with Kirchnerism use harsher adjectives, but nobody moves a hair. While they talk, businessmen and the right take action every day. Remarks, devaluation, precariousness.
The inmates within the CGT and the CTA end up being a new excuse to keep the working class demobilized. But the worst division is another: the one that puts the claims of effective and unionized workers on one side and the millions who are informal, hired, unemployed on the other.
In the midst of hunger and the advance of the right, it is a criminal policy of unionism and the official social movements. If they continue to divide and demobilize, they are working for the right. Because if adjustment and inflation are not faced today, it will be much more difficult to face the attacks with which Milei or Bullrich threaten.
In the last few hours, the Télam agency published the news that the CGT, the CTA, the 62 Peronist Organizations and the UTEP will hold “an assembly for labor rights” in the National Congress. But no one found out. If it’s an “assembly” why didn’t they spread it in their unions and movements? Why do they do it inside Congress and not in a square or stadium where thousands can go? Is it the first step to a plan of struggle or an acting for the electoral campaign of Unión por la Patria?
The answer is simple, explaining it would be underestimating our readers.
The left and combative trade unionism have been denouncing this attitude. They propose assemblies in the workplace to demand a plan for the struggle of the employed and unemployed from the union leaders. For an emergency increase for the employed, retirees and social programs. For the reopening of all joint ventures to achieve a salary equal to the family basket, updated month by month due to inflation. For the transfer to the contracted and outsourced plant. For the reduction of the working day to generate work with rights.