Alberto Núñez Feijóo was promoted as leader of the PP in a meeting of regional leaders outside the party statutes. That early morning in February 2022, the barons flew Feijóo to Madrid, and the party founded by Manuel Fraga and other former Francoist ministers took an internal turn that was ratified two months later in an extraordinary congress in which the weight of the territories He grew up, a lot. A ‘baronization’ that has not stopped increasing until it broke out in the negotiations with Vox for city councils and communities.
Feijóo places the votes to govern in coalition with Vox at 12%
A ‘save who can’ that hinders the construction of the state project that Feijóo has defended since April last year, and that has plunged the PP into a whirlwind of contradictions that prevents its candidate from defending the message that he has no intention of agreeing with the ultra-right to reach Moncloa after the July 23 elections.
The one who ran the most to save himself was the candidate in the Valencian Community. Carlos Mazón won the regional elections last May, but the arithmetic of the Cortes left his investiture in the hands of Vox. The ultra party, with its chief negotiator Kiko Méndez Monasterio displaced to Valencia to tie the agreement, started a Vice Presidency and several councils, in addition to erasing “macho violence”.
Mazón assured that Feijóo congratulated him on the pact that will allow Vox to decide the destination of some 1,500 million euros of the Valencian budget. In the national leadership of the PP, no one has denied it, nor have they confirmed whether the leader will attend the inauguration of the next head of the Consell. This same Friday, for example, he will attend Isabel Díaz Ayuso’s in Madrid. And also Mazon.
In full ‘shock’ over the Valencian pact with Vox, and due to its incidence in the pre-campaign, the PP broke off negotiations with the ultra-right to make María Guardiola president of Extremadura. The autonomous leader had defended in the campaign, like Mazón, her intention to govern alone.
But the numbers were impossible because Guardiola lost to Guillermo Fernández Vara. Even so, the Extremaduran leader remained firm in her rejection of a coalition government and offered a programmatic agreement -with concessions in education, environment or memory-, in addition to several armchairs: the Presidency of the Assembly, another position at the Table and a senator by parliamentary appointment.
Vox said no, and Guardiola was not intimidated, which leads Extremadura towards electoral repetition. A relief for Feijóo, whom his team was already able to put in front of the journalists after several days of silence in which the party had not offered its assessment of the many municipal governments.
Perhaps because the inauguration of mayors had highlighted Feijóo’s first great contradiction: using the extreme right, and even governing with them, to snatch municipal governments despite not being the list with the most votes.
Four of those municipalities are precisely in Extremadura, where Guardiola has vetoed Vox in his Executive, but has given the green light to local pacts with the ultras. Among them, Navalmoral de la Mata (17,170 inhabitants), a municipality very close to the Almaraz nuclear power plant, whose survival was part of the failed pre-agreement for the regional government.
After the break in Extremadura, Feijóo wanted to send the message that the PP had broken the block system, although he ignored the multitude of municipal agreements reached just a week ago in Toledo, Burgos, Valladolid and a long etcetera.
Feijóo tried to settle the discrepancy between his barons. To do this, he resorted to arithmetic, not to the content of party programs. 12%, yes; 8%, no. A simplification that can explain the cases of Extremadura and País Valencià, but perhaps not what is happening in other latitudes.
In Murcia, for example, Vox obtained 17.72% of the votes so, according to Feijóo’s thesis, it should enter the Government. But Fernando López Miras has denied this possibility and has threatened to go to a repeat election.
And in the Balearic Islands? Marga Prohens has already handed over the Presidency of Parliament to Vox. Specifically, a xenophobic and denialist who wrote: “Women are more belligerent because they lack a penis.” The agreement does not advance in the islands while the calendar runs towards the date. In the Balearic Islands, Vox obtained 13.9% of the vote, well above the limit set randomly by Feijóo.
Another region on the edge is Aragon, where this Friday the Cortes will be constituted. In the air, the composition of the Table, with the Presidency as the main place to negotiate. “Here they have less than 12%,” they maintain from Jorge Azcón’s PP, referring to the limit set by Feijóo. It is true: Vox achieved 11.25%.
But the national leadership of the PP has already changed the step. This Thursday, its spokesman, Borja Sémper, presented the party’s pre-campaign motto: “Blue summer”. On an artificial beach at a sports venue in Madrid, barefoot and with his pants rolled up, he had to answer a dozen questions about the negotiations with Vox and the limits to the extreme right.
Sémper did not allude to the voting percentages, but to the “principles” of the PP. With the many agreements signed with Vox on the table, with the prohibition of the LGTBI flag or the expression “macho violence” on official banners after the crimes, the spokesman assured that the PP is not going “to access power at any price that harms social advances or spaces of freedom”. “We do not give up our principles, we will not rule at any cost,” he added. “The price is to maintain, to protect the social, cultural and economic advances of this country,” he said. “We are not going to do one thing and the opposite,” he said. “We are not going to allow ourselves to be contaminated,” he stated.
At that same time, Isabel Díaz Ayuso was starring in the second day of her investiture debate. Despite having an absolute majority, Vox abstained from the vote. The ‘leader’ left a message more directed at her own than at others: “I am not going to be in an electoral key at the national level to know what pacts must be made or what must not be done. What I am clear about is that this country needs a change, that we have to live up to it, that for that, of course, they are going to have our hand outstretched and that what I am clear about is that the electoral program with which we have presented this group to the elections and that yesterday shelled again to seek the confidence of this Chamber represents the best Popular Party”.
The PP, which always boasted of being one throughout Spain, does not have a single voice on the post-electoral pacts one month before the general elections in which Feijóo is at stake.
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