On Saturday the 11th, a plenary session of the Kirchner organizations was held in Avellaneda with the slogan “Fight and come back: Cristina 2023.” The mythical operation is to equalize the sentence for corruption that weighs on Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (for which there are still no appeals), with the flags that the militancy raised against the proscription of Peronism, until the return of Juan Domingo Perón at 73′.
maximum kirchner described the CFK’s role, not as the candidate, but as the designer for the electoral victory of the Peronist. The call to militancy was to “build that place that allows whoever designed the strategy in 2019 to redesign it.”
Polarizing with the right is not enough
The speeches of the governor of the province of Buenos Aires and the deputy and leader of La Cámpora, pointed the cannons at the management of Cambiemos (current Together for Change) and the enormous debt they left with the IMF. Also against the Judicial Party and the Clarín Group, which respond to the interests of the right.
In turn, they denounced a relationship between Together for Change y the attack suffered by the vice president. Because of the relationship between the fascistoid group that perpetrated the assassination attempt and the firm of the family of Toto Caputtowho was one of those responsible for taking the loan with the Fund, during the presidency of Mario Macri.
Even so, the polarization with the right and the call to vote “against” seem not to be enough for the electoral objectives of Peronism. Three years of the Frente de Todos government, with some economic growth included, left an increase in social inequality: a jump in poverty, loss of wages and income, inflation, and increased rates. In large part, the product of the agreements that they reached with the IMF and that they later endorsed in Congress.
“It is quite mediocre as a political force to resign ourselves to the fact that the maximum value and proposal that we have is that Mauricio Macri does not return or any of its copies. As a political force, we need to represent the interests of the great Argentine popular majorities” -said maximum kirchner.
Criticizing Alberto, will it be enough?
Kirchnerism plays in the internal Peronist to get rid of a government that they assumed with electoral promises that they did not fulfill. So Máximo Kirchner’s appeal to Alberto Fernández to “abandon personal adventures” could not be missing.
In addition to the polarization with the right, the key is also: how to differentiate yourself from a government that they “designed” and of which they are part.
A complex task for the Kirchner bloc since, despite having rejected the agreement between Martín Guzmán and the IMF, on March 11, 2022 in Congress; in October they ended up voting in favor of the budgetary adjustment that Sergio Massa agreed with the same body. And in this same act, they vindicated the “fights inch by inch” of the current Minister of Economy.
Even more complex is proposing even a “redistributive” way out -as they propose- where the country’s economic growth has an impact on the income and living conditions of the majority; without breaking with the IMF.
“Nobody talks about not paying or defaulting, we talk about defending national interests in depth (…) First you have to grow to be able to pay. And to grow you have to distribute. First there is our people and then there is any commitment,” raised Axel Kicillof.
The slogan seems like a utopia: the figures of the enormous transfer of income from the pockets of the working people to the concentrated economic groups, since the agreement began to be applied, do not lie. The current ones devaluation pressures of the Fundneither.
Extractive promises and a past that was not
“The proposals that are heard almost across the board are to increase Argentine exports,” he said. maximum kirchner. Both the right-wing coalition and Peronism have been targeting the extractivist business –petroleum, lithium– As a way to resolve the economic and social crisis in Argentina: above all, to obtain dollars.
Kirchnerism’s bet would be to do it with “sovereignty” and “equality”, as supposedly it would have been done during the won decade.
Axel Kicillof claimed the “recovery” (or semi-nationalization) of YPF in 2012 and the subsequent agreements to exploit Vaca Muerta, which occurred during the CFK government. And he proposed a model where energy, oil, lithium and food, contribute to the redistribution of wealth and industrial development.
“It is not enough to have natural resources, it is necessary to discuss a model where that wealth generates an industry and does not reprimand. We must confront the interests that want to loot Argentine wealth. We have to fight so that these resources feed our country,” he said. Kicillof.
With this slightly underhanded criticism of the government of Alberto Fernández, who lowered the withholdings on the export of hydrocarbons to 0%seek to hide the fact that during the Kirchner government, far from achieving “energy sovereignty”, The doors were opened to deepen the looting and contamination of natural resources by multinational companies such as Chevron.
Amelia Robles, scholarship holder of the Conicet and teacher of the Comahue Universityexplain what: “The use of energy during the Kirchner government was not intended for industrial development: but for other extractive activities. You extract energy to favor the extraction of other elements, be it mining, be it soybeans, and you continue to strengthen with the energy input, a model that is based on extraction”.
Without sovereignty and without “redistribution”, the government of the Front of All he continued with the extractive businesses that benefit a few, while contaminating the water and entire towns.
Own maximum kirchner In this act, he claimed that a large part of the “solidarity contribution” or tax on large fortunes promoted by his block did not go precisely towards the sectors hardest hit by the crisis, but rather to finance the “Néstor Kirchner” gas pipeline, which, according to what he criticized, it is shaping up much more towards export than catering to popular users.
On the other hand, Kirchnerism seeks to attach to the extractive business a totally incompatible environmental discourse. It is contradicted by the reality of dozens of towns throughout Argentina, who fight against pollution and diseases derived from the activity such as cancer.
The Kirchnerist faction within the government coalition is looking for its way to consolidate another mandate in power, recycling its story towards a new stage.
Who will be the heir or heiress? not designed yet. For now, Wado De Pedro’s photo (one of the possible candidates), sitting at a table with directors of Clarín, La Nación and representatives of the employers of the countryside, a militancy built under the epic “K vs Campo” generated great discomfort. Although CFK itself claimed it days later when he said “it is necessary to agree, you have to sit down and talk without adjectives, without stereotypes, or clichés”.
Fiery speeches for the militancy and dialogue winks for the concentrated sectors of power.