Back in 2016, interviewed by Fernando Rosso, Carlos Pagni described Cambiemos as an “experiment, an artifact made in a very unconventional way for what the guidelines of Argentine politics are (…) One doesn’t really know how it goes to finish”.

In furious rout, the end of that experiment happens before our eyes. Together for Change exhausted his original political-social function : avoid a (more than) improbable “chavization of the country.” Born as a political representation of broad anti-Kirchnerismcondensed at various levels the interests of the ruling class and the deep political-ideological unrest of broad middle classes.

On the national level, it was an active factor in outlining the contours of the current situation. If you look beyond the situation, since 2016 job moving the political scene to the rightforcing its polar rivals to dance to the same rhythms. Citizen Union first, and the Frente de Todos later, were the answer policy to that dynamic. Sergio Massa was an active protagonist in this right-wing process. First as an essential ally of the Macrista adjustment from Congress. Then as a wing moderate of the Frentetodista coalition.

Strategic bet of a sector of a sector of the ruling class, in that journey, the state management headed by Macri He was in charge of crashing the country. Exhausted specific political function, responsible for an economic and social disasterthe coalition had been sustained – for some time – by the inertial force of electoral alliances. Together for office It was more than a rabid insult: it served as a sociological description.

His future is not written yet. The fire takes place around this time. It is still difficult to know what will emerge from the ashes.

Madness and “capitulation” to caste

Milei emerged as formal expression of repudiation of the political caste. As mere appearance of an essence who was driving social resentment to surrender to those most responsible: the owners of economic power.

Built with abundant resources and meticulous systematicity, “El Loco” was born to defend the interests of Eduardo Eurnekián. As the journalist Juan Luis González documents, his essential function resided in bomb Marcos Peña to bomb Mauricio Macri. Political history deposits it now, at the feet of the man to whom, to a large extent, it owes its reason for existing as a public figure.

Milei had long ago “capitulated” to the caste. His alliance with Luis Barrionuevo and his meetings with Gerardo Martínez illustrated the intense desire to negotiate with the most corrupt and traitorous union power. His lists had counted on the insurmountable support from Peronism, the same one that “took care of his ballots” in the PASO.

During these hours, we attend a gritty operation destined to “lower” Milei. Every hour of television and every second of networks contains a stone of that enormous operation of attrition, which turned into allies in fact to the great right-wing media corporation and official Peronism. The underlying reasons are provided by capitalist power: a country administered by “El Loco” is deeply unstable.

That ghost was also the one that appeared before the eyes of millions when voting. As we wrote the same Sunday night: “In this electoral result, the fear of greater economic chaos also converges, something that Milei himself represents with his economic program. Which became evident when the Libertarian candidate celebrated the dramatic devaluation of the peso as a path to eventual dollarization (…) These types of statements – which reveal the savage nature of his economic plan – must have constituted a powerful deterrent for a portion of voters.”

He Peronism of adjustment and resignation office of shield against misguided madness by one neoliberal program who proposed and proposes to blow up the country.

Peronism reloaded

The electoral result served, once again, to illustrate the ambivalences of a progressivism in decline. The one who after the PASO demonized the Milei voter to the point of considering him “psychiatric”, equating him to the candidate of Freedom Advances. Now, after the general election, he fiercely defends the “result of the polls.” On the other side, logically, a right-wing fury appears that condemns Sergio Massa’s voters who, in this case, “don’t understand either.” He contempt for the conscience of the popular masses travels through various lifts. Many times, he does not distinguish political colors.

Working an intense campaign of fear, the Peronism of adjustment and resignation was presented as electoral brake to the crazy right. For millions, support for the Unión por la Patria candidate appeared as a possible way to “avoid chaos.” That vote expressed, even with its multiple contradictions, the massive rejection of being sliced ​​up by the neoliberal chainsaw that Milei agitated over many months.

What the right-wing opposition called, with notable contempt, the “small money plan,” served as confirmation: Peronism could not recover ground if he continued permanent adjustment to IMF orders. In this enormous state expenditure, the aspiration of millions for a life less crushed by the conditions of the crisis and inflation; less damaged by the chaotic evolution of the daily economy.

However, this social desire for a better life faces the essential work that the eventual Massa government must carry out. The limited illusions in this peronism They will collide with the restrictions imposed by the IMF agenda. Agenda that, even with tensions, will accept Union for the Homeland. One then guesses a future of conflicts and social clashes.

He Peronism of adjustment and resignation will also be the Peronism of the order. The actors in that work are prefigured from the present. They are the same ones who, words more, words less, guaranteed the governability of the current adjustment. Accompanying the candidacy of Sergio Massa, the almost eternal Peronist governors y ossified union bureaucracy. The Daer and the Acuña, together with the Insfrán and the Gustavo Sáenz, represent the territorial and union power that worked side by side with Macri and supported these years of the Frente de Todos.

That contradiction is already evident. Illustrating it, the Magazine Editorial Collective Crisis He has just pointed out that “for those of us who believe that democracy can only be consolidated with profound transformations of the current power structure, it is not advisable to get our hopes up about an eventual presidency of Sergio Massa, who represents the most conservative sector of Peronism. Kicillof’s categorical victory in the strategic province of Buenos Aires constitutes a promising counterweight that gives dynamism to the situation and reopens the horizon for new compositions of a social justice that can no longer continue to be sacrificed on the altars of possibilism and mediocrity. .

The look refers, ultimately, to that already deployed by Juan Grabois in the middle of the electoral campaign. Bet on “condition” the future management of Sergio Massa. The analysis, however, leaves aside central issues. For example, that the Kicillof’s wide victory It appears inseparable from an alliance that contains the territorial power of the Province of Buenos Aires, embodied in the mayors. That is, the many Insaurraldes that manage the suburbs and other regions. It is also inseparable from permanence of Sergio Berni. Repressor of poor families in Guernicathe Minister of Security served as spokesperson for the strong hand and guarantor of good relations with the many “families” that populate the Buenos Aires Police.

The old and the new

The crisis of representation and fragmentation that the majority coalitions go through are inseparable from their responsibility in the dramatic national situation. That crisis fueled the anger that found electoral channels in mercy. Repeating history in circles, the libertarian announced himself as “the new thing” while he recovered the most rusty of “the old”: neoliberal dogma in its purest form; the denialism of the genocidal dictatorship; the misogynistic contempt for women and their struggles; scientific denialism, which walks on the edge of flat earthism.

The “new” cannot be born from the same social class which condemned the country to permanent decline. cannot emerge from the politics that represents the interests of large concentrated capital or acts subject to the orders of the IMF.

The “new” must and has to be born from below. From the interests of the oppressed and exploited. Since the potentialities that nest in the working class and in its objective social capacity to control and direct the entire economic production. This novelty requires a new political consciousness on the part of the exploited. A new socialist consciousnesswhich condenses into political party and that it be built from now on. In every factory and workplace; in every popular neighborhood; in each school or college. The task is urgent.


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