The chainsaw plan, its pretensions and its contradictions. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that broadcasts on Thursdays from 10 p.m. to midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • Along with the inflation of the economy, we are witnessing a discursive inflationboth of Javier Miley like around Javier Milei and Freedom Advances.
  • Beyond his exegetes in the field of journalism, certain voices are already circulating, clouded by the electoral result and who see in Milei a statesman of a new type, bearer of special knowledge that is inaccessible to the rest of us, and with extraordinary political abilities that must be recognized. Nothing new, power dazzles and sometimes even blinds: not long ago, some even compared Mauricio Macri with Obama and including a Maria Eugenia Vidal with Margaret Thatcher. Time adjusts things, as I heard a time-oriented “philosopher” par excellence say during these hours: Juan Román Riquelme.
  • The discursive “inflation” regarding one’s own political capacity and the reality in which Milei will assume the Government runs through two levels: on the one hand, presenting what is a real political weakness (the lack of names in key positions in the Cabinet, all those resigned before taking office (Emilio Ocampo), the internal ones that are more than evident), present all this as a “fortaleza” because they are looking for a “selected of the best”. On the other hand, the consequences of the current crisis are “inflated” (“we are on our way to a hypermarket”, “we are going to have 90% poor people”) so that the wild adjustment plan that proposes to carry out starting December 10 is accepted.
  • This highlights two issues: one is that does not have a coalition with the “political volume” that it hadFor example, his admired Carlos Menem. An equivalent (much weaker) is trying to put together who will be Milei’s Interior Minister, Guillermo Francosgoing to visit and incorporate many members of the caste: from Florencio Randazzo or Cristian Ritondo (candidates to preside over the Chamber of Deputies), passing through Osvaldo Giordano (a man of Schiarettism, of Cordoban Peronism) appointed to the ANSES, until arriving at Daniel Scioli who would continue in the embassy of Brazil. Let us not forget that Francos was president of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires during the Scioli government and was Argentina’s representative before the Inter-American Development Bank, during the presidency of Alberto Fernández. I mean, Milei is putting together his attempt at a “government of national unity” with the PRO and aspects of Peronism, but for now everything is tied with wire and in a very unstable balance.
  • And why this? Because, well, everyone is (we are if you will) shocked by the result of the runoff and thinking about those numbers, but we must keep in mind that throughout the year, there were four elections (governors, primaries, general and runoff ) and they all gave different results. That is to say, we are in the presence of a disintegrated political system over which Milei tries to arbitrate Milei (with its own weakness in that correlation of weaknesses). It assembles or rather assembles pieces of a caste in crisis in the context of a discredited regime. But in addition, many of Milei’s final votes (more precisely 26%) were “borrowed”, which is another political limitation hidden in the runoff mechanism.
  • The other issue, that of the crisis and the seven plagues of Egypt that loom over the country if Milei’s roadmap is not accepted, show that we are witnessing a chronic crisis, but that it has not operated until now as a disciplinarian to impose a resignation to a “self-adjustment” of these characteristics. If this were the case, Milei would not have to “exaggerate” and permanently evoke the final catastrophe. That is, replacing the vital experience of the crisis with its discursive reference.
  • In this context he went to seek political and financial support from the US and, again, a lot of inflation of discourse about what was achieved, the promises, but so far the IMF is cautious, as much as the Government of the northern country. It doesn’t mean that they won’t help him, but until now they are also waiting to see how he develops.
  • Let’s see, this is not to bring “peace of mind” to anyone, because what Milei proposes, effectively, is a war plan, even, let’s suppose that the greatest aspirations (from privatizations to the electoral reform that is also talked about) are “stuck” in parliament or by not reaching agreements, only the measure that can and wants to apply from the outset (devaluation and liberalization of prices) would generate a social catastrophe: there is talk that inflation could reach 20% in December and more in January. Milei already talked about 18 or 24 of stagflation. This is going to affect everyone (it is not just one sector or another of state or public media), but a general adjustment with unleashed prices and a paralyzed economy. The jump into poverty and even hunger (literally) will be caused by Milei’s plan, if they let it.
  • What I am trying to point out here is that we are facing an experiment that proposes a truly bold regressive and reactionary reset plan (bolder than Menem and even Martínez de Hoz’s plan) from a place and position of significant political weakness.
  • Does this mean it will fail? Not necessarily, if it finds voluntary givers of governability, if the union centers do the ironing, if each one goes their own way in disintegrated struggles, it is not necessarily their destiny to be bogged down. Precisely all of these paths are those that must be avoided in a fight in which nothing is said beforehand.
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  • Inflation / Javier Milei / The Red Circle


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