The Government comes for everything and the response has to be of the same magnitude. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that broadcasts on Thursdays from 10 p.m. to midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • About him “Milei phenomenon” much was written during all this time: that it was expression of social changes, of multiple crises, of the old that does not die and the new that is not born or that it was the political manifestation of a certain subjectivity of the time. Probably, there is something of all this in the “anatomy” of the libertarian experiment.
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  • Now, there has been a turning point, a before and after, since he began governing on December 10 of last year. From that moment until today he was revealing the “enigma”the ultimate truth that it contained as a political project and as an economic program.
  • It started to respond partly the classic question: What is this? Well, it will be many things, but essentially It is a war plan against workers, retirees, and that broad spectrum that until today we know as the “middle class.”
  • This is in the DNA of the libertarian project even though it is covered with pocket wars against artists, low-intensity cultural battles and a discursive inflation of a president who considers that “to govern is to tweet” and tweets about it every day and its corresponding nights.
  • That this reality is not the “heritage” of the entire society does not take away from its character of truth. which sooner or later the majority will end up recognizing with the exception of those who benefited from Milei’s plan.
  • However, time, that is, whether it is “sooner or later,” is very important in an experiment like this. Because The speed that the Government gave to its management changed the logic of “normal” times. Milei is hurrying because he wants to take advantage of the assembled electoral harvest that he achieved in the runoff and that he is spending quite quickly.
  • What else do we know? That the government plan is not against this or that sector, but against everyone and especially against the working class.. It is not only against the state and those who receive social plans, the private ones are also losing against inflation, although they follow it a little more closely and in addition, among the private ones a ghost is beginning to lurk that is a direct product of the recession induced by the Government: the specter of layoffs and unemployment.
  • Regarding the presidential image, to make a historical comparison: a measurement by the consulting firm Ricardo Rouvier & Asociados in June 2000 indicated that the positive image of Fernando de la Rúa was 70.3 percent in January, it went to 71.6 in February and dropped to 66.6 in March, 61.9 in April and to an average of 60 percent in May; A work from the same consulting firm from June 2003 (a month after his inauguration) showed that Néstor Kirchner had a positive image above 76 percent. Cristina Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández, at this point in their administrations, enjoyed a much better image than any of the more favorable figures disseminated today by the ruling party as an alleged bastion of support for Milei..
  • But, furthermore, there is the issue of the political consistency of the Government: The eventual “merger” with Macri got bogged down which was presented as the possibility of increasing Milei’s “political and parliamentary volume”; After the failure of the Omnibus Law, a crisis opened and a confrontation within the cabinet (they even accuse each other of spying on the intelligence services); The Decree of Necessity and Urgency is stuck in Justice y Milei is in charge of blowing up all the bridges with governors and with the collaborationist opposition that doesn’t know how to do it because they won’t let it collaborate. The radical De Loredo even started crying because the government “won’t let us help.”
  • And below? Below it was demonstrated in these two months that there was a good response to the different calls: since the 12/27 concentration of the CGT in front of the Courts that exceeded what they planned to bring together; the development of neighborhood assemblies and cacerolazosthe massive meetings of Unidos por la Cultura until the recent strikes of railways, health or what is coming from teachers in a large part of the country.
  • So Where does Milei get her strength from if these are the conditions? Well, obviously These forces are not concentrated to hit together and at a point that brings down Milei’s plan. In this, The responsibility of the CGT and the union leaderships in general is central.
  • Because, let’s see, politics is not simply “a game of images” in which one must passively wait for it to “wear down” while the Government operates through the communications and repressive apparatus of the State or its related media to “shape ” a public opinion that he later presents as a basis of support. The dispute to convince those who “don’t see it” is also linked to action that demonstrates that there are thousands or hundreds of thousands of critical voices with the capacity and strength enough to stop this plan and show another path.
  • Coercive factors operate in reality (economic terror through inflation is the main one, the eventual growth of unemployment may be another) who are “producers” of possible consensus that can be based more on a resignation to “what exists” (which is also based on being fed up with all previous experiences) than on a hope that very few have. This must be opposed by a collective force that convinces in discourse and in practice.
  • Precisely the complete opposite of what Cristina Kirchner proposes: in the offs that he let leak last weekend He implied that if he now agrees to discuss privatizations, labor reforms or the regimentation of teaching work, it is because “it is what the people chose.”. No, the people chose Milei, tired of what they had made of her. Buying without inventory benefit, Milei’s agenda is joining the construction of that consensus imposed by different forms of coercion. The truth is a battlefield, that is why the truth is not only told nor only “described.”
  • In his book Accumulation and hegemony in Menemist Argentina, Adrián Piva says that The fragmentation of the working class, the growth of unemployment and underemployment acted as coercive mechanisms that deepened and completed the coercion of the hyperinflationary threat, to reach the Menemist consensus.. But Also central was the failure of the union strategy that, in the face of an abysmal change in the situation with Alfonsín’s hyper, responded with isolated demands for salary improvements and partial defeats occurred that formed a general defeat that was essential for Menemist hegemony.
  • Although he has it among his many berretines, Milei is not Menem and he is far from it. But The possibility that his plan can be passed does not depend only on “objective” conditions, but on action and the teachings of the Menemist years are very useful for the present.
  • Politics / National Paro / Cristina Fernández de Kirchner / CGT / Javier Milei / mega DNU


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