Throughout the year, with the various provincial elections, La Libertad Avanza had several scandals that showed the lie of presenting itself as something new that came “to combat the caste.” Perhaps one of the most remembered episodes is that of Carlos Eguía, the candidate for governor of Neuquén de Milei, who after the elections did not hold anything back and came out without a filter. “The dung is Javier Milei and his sister,” he said in June and remarked that “the first thing they did 20 days after the elections was call me to ask for positions in the Neuquén Legislature.” Without subtlety, he defined him as “more squirt than squirts” and accused him of “selling the brand” of his electoral seal and of making arrangements with the caste.

The scandal of those statements spread through the main national media, and raised doubts about the arming of the liberals. Without a structure at the national level, these types of accusations multiplied everywhere. A month before the PASO, Milei was arrested during a tour of Tigre and accused of having negotiated the lists with Massa and Malena Galmarini.

Martín Urionagüena, a businessman who had a guaranteed candidacy in that district, resigned denouncing a “pact” between Milei and massismo, that asked to make changes to the lists of councilors. The name of Juan José Cervetto, who in 2013 had joined the lists of the Frente Renovador, was one of those targeted and was finally the one who headed the list of La Libertad Avanza in that district. Adriana La Magna, number 2 on the list, He was the one who signed the challenge to Zamora’s list, a move to favor Malena Galmarini who finally lost the internal.

The novelty is that, after the result obtained by the PASO, Those who now recognize the collaboration with the Milei lists are the members of Unión por la Patria themselves. The first to say it publicly was the Buenos Aires security minister, Sergio Berni. Invited to the Duro de Domar program, one of Axel Kicillof’s trusted men pointed out that “Many of our mayors told him ‘I’ll give you the councilors and I’ll take care of your ballots.’‘”. Far from generating surprise in the panel, everyone recognized that it was something they were aware of.

This Wednesday, it was the turn of Juan Grabois. Interviewed by Alejandro Fantino, he noted that “Milei put together the lists with all the people of Massa. I have it totally clear. I don’t know if she gave him a hand or not, I know that the people were people from Massa’s party“.

Despite this statement, days ago Grabois had referred to a possible victory for Milei saying that “those who are not afraid, start being afraid” and calling to vote for Massa. How can you stir up fear of the far-right candidate’s victory and at the same time call to vote for Massa while recognizing that his people put together the lists for him?

In its desire to raise Milei to divide the vote of the right-wing opposition, Peronism was a fundamental partner of La Libertad Avanza and one of its main architects to give it the structure it did not have. Confident in the idea that they would be favored, they ended up making a key contribution to their victory.

A sector of the PJ begins to look at Milei with another face

While some leaders begin to recognize out loud that the PJ played in favor of Milei in the assembly of lists, others begin to look at him with affection. The governor of Santa Fe, Omar Perotti, He was one of the first to be honest and He spoke in favor of Milei in a possible runoff if Peronism is left out. Perotti is not just any name, but he was a key ally of Cristina Fernández’s army in the Frente de Todos, relegating Agustín Rossi who ended up joining the ranks of “albertismo” (if that ever existed).

Of course, those who could not be missing are the historic PJ union leaders screwed to their positions, always complicit in every right-wing government that has passed through the Casa Rosada. Partners of Menem in the 90s, accomplices of Macri in 2015, men like Luis Barrionuevo (gastronomic) and Gerardo Martínez (UOCRA) are already preparing to accommodate a possible triumph for Milei.

Barrionuevo wasuntil quite recently, one of the main promoters of Wado de Pedro’s candidacy, the candidate who promoted Christianity. And Gerardo Martínez, an unconditional ally of the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner and one of the unionists closest to the former president. At the head of one of the unions with the greatest informality and with a system of “unemployment insurance” to replace compensation, which is the dream of those who promote labor reformacknowledged that he met with Milei because he likes to “talk with everyone”

Martínez was one of Cristina Kirchner's trusted men during her governments.
Martínez was one of Cristina Kirchner’s trusted men during her governments.

Peronism is responsible for the advance of the right

A month and a half before the elections, Union for the Fatherland seeks to present the general elections as a virtual runoff, where it intends to block any expression from the left against the adjustment that it has been implementing with the help of the IMF. With a recent devaluation, uncontrolled inflation and without fulfilling a single one of the campaign promises he made in 2019, it is impossible to be distracted about the responsibilities that the government has in the growth of Milei’s right.

A right that grows on the basis of the discontent and fatigue of millions of workers who trusted the Frente de Todos to recover what they lost with Macri, and who see how they were electorally defrauded. And a right that grows, also, on the basis of petty and speculative calculations, with Peronism acting in favor of a group that thought it would be useful and that now has serious possibilities of winning the general elections.

The logic of the “lesser evil”, of agitating the fear of a possible Milei government as the only argument, does nothing more than impose an imaginary of resignation where the only thing left to do is accept that “there is no other way.” It is the perfect argument to install that the adjustment should be toleratedwhile a few businessmen and big bankers continue to fill their pockets and the country’s resources disappear paying the debt that Macri left and that the Frente de Todos legalized.

Faced with that reality, It does not matter how strongly the left will emerge from the elections. A strong left, better positioned and with more deputies for the coming period is the best message that those who do not resign themselves to this reality of planned misery at the hands of the Monetary Fund can give. Against the advance of the right and against those who, despite the speeches, are functional to their growth and their ideas.


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