Arrogance in fragility: who supports Milei?

The deception lasted for hours; days maybe. This Thursday, by dint of contrasts, Victoria Villarruel demolished the illusion of unity that Milei had wanted to install after the rejection of DNU 70/23 in the Senate. The vice president objected to almost everything: It was necessary to request the resignation of Santiago Caputo. The affront did not end there. Between laughs, she defined the president as a “poor little ham”located between two strong-willed women: she and Karina Milei.

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Beyond the anecdotal, Villarruel works like Troy Horse within the walls of the Executive Branch. It traffics, with its forms, that agenda that Guillermo Francos longed for and could not achieve: the formation of a broader employers’ political front, which provides greater solidity to the fierce adjustment underway. He serves, at the same time, as royal spokesperson for the “military family”which has always been part of.

Explicitly supported by the IMF and concentrated economic power, “ham” Milei suffers the vicissitudes of his political-institutional weakness. In this context, the vice president operates in accordance with the wishes of the call dialoguist opposition. That which is offered to the Government agree on content by changing forms. On that list must be noted the (barely) confrontational Lousteau, the kinder Pichetto and the always dragged De Loredo. Therein lies one of the central endorsements that Milei has. After the ruling party’s defeat in the Senate, that opposition chose moderation. When the possibility of rejecting the megaDNU in Deputies arose, he opted for petitions to the Executive Branch.

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Los Governors also collaborate with the governance of “jamoncito”. The Cordoban Llaryora works on his own pact and meets with Bullrich, contributing to the repressive agenda. He Sáenz from Salta takes a photograph with Minister Caputo while negotiating resources. Still, from the harsh discursive criticism, the Peronist Kicillof adds its own: it added 400 Buenos Aires troops to the militarization operation that the Minister of Security deploys in Rosario.

The judicial caste makes its contribution. February passed, March ends and the Supreme Court still has not ruled on the megaDNU. During these hours, he seems to give himself over to the feverish art of baking, thinking about his interests and the years to come.

All That moderation allows the Mileist plan to advance; It gives air to authoritarian measures. The latest official decision illustrates this: modify the retirement formula by DNU. Will the opposition once again play that lamentable role that combines cowardice, subordination and impotence?

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The strategy of resignation

He Opposition Peronism and Kirchnerism operate as part of that work. Union for the Homeland heated throats by shouting against the national government but chose calm in the face of those who collaborate with it. It makes sense: They bet on convergence for 2025 or 2027. They eagerly search for the return of Pichetto, Urtubey or Llaryora. They will try a new version -even more decadent and carnivalesque- from that Frente de Todos that made Alberto Fernández president.

The CGT works under the same strategy. This week he met with US Ambassador Marc Stanley. The meeting occurred the day the head of the CIA, William J. Burns, arrived in Argentina to endorse the Milei Government. In a few weeks, Laura “give me your lithium” Richardson, head of the Southern Command, will arrive. Biden strengthens ties with the Mileist administration. Stanley himself said recently that he “looked sympathetically” at the economic plan.

Las union leaders renounce the unified fight against the adjustment. They encourage separate fights, by union and claim. In doing so, leave the multiple ongoing struggles isolated. Why doesn’t the CGT call a new national strike in support of teacher struggles that are taking place in Tucumán, Neuquén, Santa Fe or Córdoba? Why don’t you do it against the layoffs at GPS-Aerolíneas Argentina, Public TV, Anses, Incaa or Acindar? Isn’t the fierce blow committed with the new retirement mobility defined by DNU a reason?

Las union and social policies feed a path that leads to skepticism and impotence. They propose trusting the authorities of the political regime to stop Milei. They light candles at the Supreme Court or do numbers until dawn with the quorum in the Deputies. They act as part of the order factors in the situation. They contribute their weight and their power of mobilization to the stability of the libertarian administration. By doing so, they facilitate the advancement of fierce adjustment.

That location will be criticized by the Memory, Truth and Justice Meeting this Sunday, in the document that will be read in Plaza de Mayo. Traditional human rights organizations – linked or close to Kirchnerism – refused to allow this position to be heard in a common event. Therein lies the explanation why there will be two calls again. Divisionism was born, in this case, from the attempt to protect the bureaucratic union centers from criticism.. Discourses about “unity” that ignore these issues swim in a vacuum.

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Why doesn’t it explode?

He fear and anguish affect significant segments of the population. Fear that, without a doubt, must have increased after learning of the terrible attack suffered by a colleague from HIJOS.

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That sensation is inseparable from impotence. The question of why doesn’t it explode? runs through talks and thoughts. The answer, to a certain extent, lies in what has already been pointed out. The The first paralysis corresponds to the Peronist union and social leaders. To those leaders who, during the campaign, denounced “the arrival of fascism” and today try to negotiate with the Government, while encouraging an electoral solution in four years. This strategy encourages both resignation and skepticism.

In that scenario, deniers and fascists feel inclined to arrogance. From there come events such as the reprehensible attack on the colleague or the threats that are growing during these hours. He state power encourages with its discursive violence. And she will continue to do so. It constitutes part of a communication strategy destined to consolidate its firmest political core, while polarizing with “the past.” In her schematic and clipped thinking, she bets on articulate empty signifiersassociating the fight for human rights with the social and economic failure that Peronism inherited.

The strategy anchors in reality. That conservative common sense inhabits the contradictory consciousness of fringes of the masses. After four years of disaster, millions It is difficult to dissociate the Peronist economic work from the more than fair fight against impunity for those who commit genocide.. Even today, after more than 100 days of fierce adjustment, various surveys point to the management of Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner as most responsible for current malaria. That extended feeling serves as Milei’s strongest support.: a look at the past plagued by disappointment, which enables us to endure this dramatic present.

But official discursive arrogance sells an image of strength that is not real. The Government is traveling a path full of parliamentary defeats and remains a minority in Congress. Nothing ensures the approval of its Supreme Court candidates; the success of the new “minibus” law, or the advance of the repressive legislation presented by Bullrich and Petri demagogically using the drug crisis in Rosario.

The limits to Milei are, too, beyond the legislative palace. They reside in a society that, in part, accepted insults and shouts in exchange for improving its economy. Today, however, there is a growing morass in terms of living conditions. That tension begins to unfold progressively. Where the candidate obtained votes in quantity, the incumbent president begins to reap distrust and rejection. The interior of the country offers examples of this dynamic.

Massiveness as a tool to defeat the right

He Bullrich and Milei’s repressive protocol became a dead letter when it collided with the massive mobilization. It happened on January 24, within the framework of the CGT strike. He repeated the March 8, when a green and purple crowd flooded the streets. This will happen again Sunday March 24, when we take to the streets again 48 years after the genocidal coup. Repressive fury knows how to recognize relationships of force.

Esa strength is what must be developed and expanded. The bureaucratic union leaders and the Peronist social movements work from the opposite perspective. They bet on contained and limited mobilization. They do it within a strategy: wear down Milei to return through electoral means.

Las hours to come criticisms are presented. Layoffs are announced in thousands and thousands. The cuts are even more brutal. Launched to please the IMF and big business, Miley accelerates.

It is possible to stop and defeat it. Now, not in two or four years. The massiveness in the streets opens the way to confront the savage adjustment plan. But To win, it is necessary to deploy the social force of the entire working class. That force that barely showed its nose January 24 due to the limits imposed by the Cegetista leadership. Even so, it meant a huge economic blow to the ruling class. One has to impose on the CGT and the CTA to resume that path towards the general strikethe only method capable of completely sweeping away the adjusting offensive.

Travel that path forces us to widely develop both self-organization and effective coordination from the bases. In every fight that begins and in the fights in progress. In every workplace, in every neighborhood and in every college and school. Only a massive force democratically built from below can overcome the resistance of bureaucratic apparatuses who try and will try to limit the fighting movement. The neighborhood assemblies -which the PTS-Left Front actively promotes- are an initial example of that potentiality. Expanding and strengthening them is an essential part of the enormous battle we are entering.