the difficult task of ordering a country submitted to the IMF

By setting an epic that lacks By nature, this week, with cows and pastures in the background, Sergio Massa tried a harangue and asked to “order politics to order the economy.”

It has been pointed out, on more than one occasion, that this discursivity reverse the terms of the relationship causal. He political disorder emerges from economic mess that the Frenteto administration knew how to deepen in the last three years. A chaos that this Friday afternoon manifested itself again in the dramatic inflation rate measured by INDEC.

in that constant collapse of purchasing power that harasses the popular majorities is the seed of the confusion that runs through all political coalitions. Evidencing the continuity of the disorder, this same Friday Alberto Fernández repeated the request for PASO, explicitly challenging Massa. Let us note, however, that the presidential speech sounds like an increasingly distant echo.

In this economic crisis lie, also, the reasons for the electoral resignation of Cristina Kirchner. Tied to the political ups and downs of Peronism in power, that resignation appears as a ghost always on the verge of vanishing; as a hoax about to be discovered, to the happiness of his supporters. This perspective seems, however, to continue inhabiting the world of illusions. For the moment, stepping on the ground in the harsh reality, the vice president chooses to avoid the eventual electoral defeat. This location could also be read as an attempt to preserve it for the future. Looking at the horizon of a future right-wing government, Cristina Kirchner could see herself as the figure capable of bringing together -as happened between 2017 and 2019- a fragmented and defeated Peronism.

In that framework, the support for “Sergio” appears as his voluntary contribution to guarantee adjustment implemented by orders of the IMF. Behind the discourse against “the right” are the hard numbers: in the first quarter of 2023, the Government reduced current expenses by 4.1% in real terms. That’s according to data from the far-left Congressional Budget Office.

Tied to its own contradictions, the Peronism of poverty, adjustment, and resignation dreams of the illusion of the Cambiemite electoral debacle. He grows fond of the multiple inmates who cross over to Juntos por el Cambio. He applauds every sign of tension between Bullrich, Larreta and Macri. At the same time -operating politically and through the media- he continues to raise the price for Milei.

In the official political calculus, the hope of another slight possibility looms: Raising the libertarian right might, eventually, pave the way for a ballot between that monstrosity friend of big business and the eventual candidate of the Frente de Todos. The logic of lesser evilfiercely reaffirmed by CFK in his last public speech, would operate there at full power.

The judicial “order”

in times of crisis of representationof separation between representatives and represented, emerges the power of bureaucracies, castes and corporations. Mapping those moments of hegemony crisisthe revolutionary Antonio Gramsci indicated that they are situations where “the relative position of the power of the bureaucracy (civil and military), of high finance, of the Church and in general of all organisms relatively independent of fluctuations in opinion are reinforced”. public” [1].

Can it be conceived, perhaps, institution more foreign to public opinion than the Supreme Court of Justice?

The court ruling that suspended the gubernatorial elections in San Juan and Tucumán emerges as a attempt to order the political board. as a kind of restorative action in the face of the growing wear and tear of Together for Change. The celebration of Patricia Bullrich or Macri is not exaggerated. Nor is the discomfort shown by the Frente de Todos excessive.

The call Judicial Party play the cards on the national scene trying to level the game. He puts a seven of swords on the table to warn all Peronism that politics is not played only in the field of votes and party apparatuses that coerce the popular will.

He power and arrogance held by the judicial caste they are not unexpected. The enormous privileges – material and symbolic – of judges and prosecutors have suffered practically no damage in recent decades. Regardless of their sign, the different capitalist political factions came for their help when they found it necessary. The “politicization of Justice” was done under the sign of all state efforts.

another attempt at order is made from economic power. Evidencing kindness towards Sergio Massa, the representatives of big US imperialist capital, gathered this week at the AmCham meeting, requested more adjustment in public spending and greater independence of the Central Bank.

The demand accompanies a request exercised systematically from Washington. While reiterating willingness to negotiate and discussing conditions for eventual aid to the Peronist administration, the Monetary Fund presses for an adjustment more extensive. It demands an economic order delineated according to the payment of the public debt. An economy directed, in the first place, to guarantee the necessary dollars to settle that cursed and illegal inheritance that the macrismo bequeathed and the Frente de Todos strives to respect. This interference of the imperial power was facilitated to an extreme degree with the arrival of Massa to the Ministry of Economythe man “born on the 4th of July”.

guarantors of order

The CGT broke its deafening silence after seven months just to give his endorsement to Sergio Massa. A week later, he repeated his use of the word in defense of the feudal governors of Tucumán and San Juan. His verbal condemnation of the consequences of the social and economic crisis has no consequences. He is reduced to a long and pitiful lament.

That defense evades an essential issue. The provincial electoral regimes they inhabit a world where fraudulent mechanisms are the norm. The Tucuman of Manzur and Jaldo works under the openly undemocratic system of couplings, which -multiplying lists to infinity- implies a systematic mockery of the popular will. Uñac’s Law of Lemas has little to envy. If conceptual simplification is chosen, calling them “feudal” is not exaggerated.

Presenting another face of the crisis, the pro-government social movements announce their return to the streets. They will do so together with the independent unemployed organizations, next Thursday, May 18. He militant unionism and the left they will be there too.

That mobilization should work like first step towards a confrontation open to the adjustment policy as a whole. Betting on a dynamic like this means fighting for impose on the bureaucratic union leaders the end of the eternal truce that hold That combat would be immensely strengthened by a National meeting of employed and unemployed workerspolitically independent of the Government and of the bosses’ variants.

An instance of this type is the one that comes publicizing the PTS-Left Front for months. In the extended national territory there are multiple conflicts that could find a coordination center there to deploy a common fight. from the same unemployed movements who face the adjustment of Tolosa Paz y Massa, going through the self-convened teachers of Salta or the metallurgical workers of the WEG of Cordoba, up to the tough fight of the Subte, which this Monday, everything indicates, will enter a stage of greater confrontation.

Crisis of representation and politics

The complex national scenario presents the forms of a transition. The “old” does not stop dying. He lives in a time of redefinitions, marked by uncertainty. The crack -significant void of a national political period- seems to drown in the past.

Lo “new” is contested ground; a scenario of combat where the Trotskyist left -today embodied in the left front– offers an independent political perspective. That fight today is fought, in part, in the political-electoral field. It implies, among other issues, working so that the discomfort with traditional politics does not find a channel only to the right, in the rabid and reactionary ideas of Milei.

The great choice starring in Jujuy by Alejandro Vilca exemplifies that confrontation. In the northern province, challenging the fraudulent mechanisms of the radical-Peronist regime, the list headed by a national referent of the PTS-Left Front he achieved the largest historic vote from the left -in the entire national territory- for the governorship from 1983 to date.

But, in addition, those fights for a new politics from below are essential to work for the democratic self-organization of the working class -employed and unemployed-, of the youth, of the women’s movement and of the poor. All new politics must be politics of another kind, linked to the revolutionary overcoming of the decadent capitalist order. Linked to the perspective of building a new, radically new society, where exploitation and oppression are old memories.