Caste is in order, the bold program of a weak government. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that broadcasts on Thursdays from 10 p.m. to midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • Starting on Sunday and the following days, the true contours of the government experiment that is about to begin will be finalized. There are many questions that are not clear because they are probably not clear even to the protagonists themselves. The deep crisis (political, economic, social) that our country (and much of the world) is going through is the essential foundation for this group—a little sinister and a little extravagant—to have gotten to where it is. A law could be formulated or one that exists could be reformulated: when political systems and representations go into crisis, the emergence of outsiders that come from an assumption outside to fix what’s wrong inside. Messianic leaders, more or less charismatic characters (with the “charisma” that the times demand), who are presumably armed with another rationality and with easy or “magical” solutions. You could say that the rarity of these characters is directly proportional to the depth of the crisis. Look how serious our situation will be because the product is there.
  • Let’s think a little about Argentine history: Perón himself was an expression of a similar phenomenon in its general mechanics. The political system of the 1930s, of the “patriotic fraud” that left out a social mass (the new working class that emerged from semi-industrialization after the crisis 29) that at the same time had gained a lot of weight in the economy and in society, but was marginalized from the political system. It was extremely dangerous for this situation to spread; Then Perón came from the military world, from “outside” and proposed a path for the harmonious integration of that working class. A “big political” operation that went well because it prevented the working class from entering or breaking into political life with other methods, from going all out (an attempt that re-emerged in the 70s). Of course, the ruling classes had to make some concessions and when the good times were over, they said “well enough” and tried to put things back in their place.

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  • Carlos Menem in his own way was a “foreign” character (it does not matter that he had been present in politics for decades, Bolsonaro in Brazil too), I mean how he was constructed as a political figure who seemed to be outside the “systemic Alfonsinization” that Alfonsín expressed and Antonio Cafiero as part of the Peronist renewal that remained attached to the crisis at the end of Alfonsinism.
  • Néstor Kirchner too (just as Menem had come from the great north, Kirchner came from the deep south), was above all a “penguin”, he spoke out against “pejotism”, he did not allow the march to sound in his first acts. He was a good reader for your strategy of the crisis that had detonated the political system in general in 2001 and radicalism, in particular.
  • Even Mauricio Macri had something of that: we are not politicians, we are managers who bring the expertise which provides a corporate world in which “ideas” are not discussed; mechanisms are proposed that can now be applied to politics and change the nature of politics itself: transform it into a simple business administration of things.
  • I noticed how curious, with different orientations, the outsiders They end up fulfilling the function of containing and bringing back into the system what threatens to deepen the crises that at the same time unleash forces that put the system itself at risk. Many times they operate as the last containment dam of order no matter how “anti-system” they may seem.

    – Now not every outsider becomes a leader who can implement his program or his policy, who can provide a solution to the crisis. Certain economic, political, international conditions and relations of force have to mediate. They have to find a structure to rely on (the PJ in the case of Menem and Kirchner), they have to win certain battles (on October 17, in the case of Perón, even a “battle” that took place despite them) and they have to have certain gifts of their own. Fortune and virtue.

  • For example, Macri failed on all levels (he had tactical successes, but strategically he was defeated). When characters with these characteristics win an election, things are just beginning.
  • What do we know about Javier Milei so far? Which shares many of these characteristics (that is why to the fans who see in every political phenomenon something new never seen before, I would say that neither so much nor so little: the story does not begin when I chose the object of study for my academic thesis). We also know that although it is dedicated to applying its “minimum program” (that is, if many of its “maximalist” proposals are cut) what it proposes is a regular attack on the living conditions of everyone, an ultra-adjustment on a already super-adjusted society. Between bold and adventurous.
  • What else do we know? That for these objectives, from the outset, he raised some flags and surrounded himself with a lot, a lot of caste. An assembly to which everyone contributed, eh. Patricia Bullrich and Luis Petri in Security and Defense; Nicolás Caputo in Economics; the same Guillermo Francos, the shipowner who will be Minister of the Interior (super caste) and some other contributions from Peronism: Daniel Scioli remains as ambassador in Brazil, the Peronism of Córdoba put men in important positions, Flavia Royón (linked to massism) who passes from Energy under this government to the Ministry of Mining of this Government; Marco Lavagna (same origin) who will continue at Indec. And so.
  • This in itself is a breach of the electoral contract that said the rabid “anti-caste” were. Let’s say that with the initial enthusiasm it is not noticeable, but when faced with the first setbacks, many will begin to charge it.
  • But, in addition, this group has a lot of trade, it is a government lottery, in a sense, worse than that of Alberto Fernández. And why is this? Because there is a political fragmentation that the runoff numbers hid, concealed and that makes the formation of majorities very difficult. Already today in the Chamber of Deputies it was expressed about the committees, who is going to chair the committees. It seems like a second-order question, but it is an example of what the situation is like. Bills have to go through committees.
  • Because, let’s see, for a couple of years Juan Carlos Torre has been wondering if Peronism received its “2001”, this is the moment of crisis and fragmentation that affected the non-Peronist space (the historic radical space) in that year. . And to a certain extent it may be happening, but the point is that another “2001” happened to the “non-Peronist” space (Together for Change) because it is also very fragmented.
  • That is what we have so far and it is as true that an extreme right won the election and came to the Government as it has all these problems (not to mention other aspects of the “electoral contract” such as when it begins to be noticed that the adjustment does not it is paid by “politics”, but by those same people who voted for him) or by the capacity for resistance that exists among the many people and organizations that did not vote for him. Starting Sunday the moment of truth will arrive. And as we all know, the truth is also a battlefield.
  • Daniel Scioli / Peronism / Mauricio Macri / Nicolás Caputo / Patricia Bullrich / Javier Milei / Flavia Royón / Luis Petri / Guillermo Francos


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