The minimum act of the workers union and the true strength of the workers and workers. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program from La Izquierda Diario that is broadcast on Thursdays from 10 pm to 12 midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • In the last installment of newsletter In the other sidewhich I sent yesterday Wednesday under the title The right and the impossible hegemony I was trying to answer some questions that several people asked me at this time about how to explain what they call theMillei phenomenon”.

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  • In that installment he spoke of several aspects that —I think— explain a contradictory phenomenon that could express disenchantment, disappointment, even anger, but not rebellion. It also highlighted that between their own adherents exist ideological contradictions in relation to the postulates that Milei himself proclaims. And he also said that many of his promoters in the business world (those who took him to the IDEA Colloquiumal hotel Llao Llao in Bariloche or the Rural) or in the political universe: those who in Peronism they gave air because, allegedly, he was getting votes from Together for Change.
  • But in relation to the question of “rebellion”, he provocatively said that the rebellion did not turn to the rightIn any case, Milei may be the product of the absence of rebellion or the containment of eventual rebellious demonstrations.
  • Well, in parallel took place the act that the CGT summoned the may 2 on the court of Defenders of Belgrano. An act that to some extent confirmed what he said. Both the document that was read and the speeches of the speakers —Carlos Acuna and Hector Daer– they called “a great consensus” at times when, at least since Five years agoa looting of salary of workers and workers. They stressed that, in the face of run against the weight last week, the CGT came out to “support the policies that can contain the bullfight”, that is, the Central Bank intervention. they talked about rediscuss the agreement with the Monetary Fund and they revealed their back to the candidacy of Sergio Massa that he had been invited; He did not go, although they later spread a greeting that he sent on the spot. They showed themselves as possible agents of a labour reform “reasonable” as a counterparty to a Reduction of the working day. They would have had similar conversations with Horacio Rodriguez Larreta in a semi-secret meeting.
  • This led me to a reflection which is in the center of book I posted last year —The impossible hegemony— and that it is around what is the real strength of workers and workers in Argentina and theunderrepresentationof that force in the social and political life of the country.
  • Let’s see, in Argentina there are around 4,000 unions, taking the numbers of recent years roughly. By the end of 2022, the formal workers they had reached the 13 million, to which must be added the informal ones. are signed between 1,200 and 1,500 collective agreements by year. In addition, there are what the sociologist Juan Carlos Torre named “the poor on the move”that is, the workers and workers that they stayed outside the formal market and yet they built a different type of organizations those who call “social organizations” or “popular economy”, but in the end they are organizations of informal or directly unemployed workers. As a friend says: in Argentina you throw a seed and an organization is born.
  • In some cases, among trade unions, we speak of strategic unions: truckers, oil tankers, transportation.
  • Well, there lives or resides a force that could weigh much more strongly in the national scene and that nevertheless, in a broad sense it is “underrepresented”, but not because of a question of regression in its social gravitation, but because of political decisions of its leaders. Those who claim to represent that force lead it towards objectives such as those set out in the CGT act: issues as exciting as supporting the Central Bank, calling for a “consensus” or campaigning for Massa.
  • I read multiple analyzes or interpretations interesting around the “Milei phenomenon”: which is an expression of the sociological changes that affect the working classthe emergence in some branches of a new type of workersuch as those who work on the applications or on the platforms and are isolated, individualized and separated from all the rest of his companions and companions; others who talk about shifts to the right in the ideological terrain or in the ways of thinkingall issues that can be discussed because of what I said above about the people who could vote for it, but it has different values.
  • The point that I fail to understand is How can the phenomenon be analyzed? doing abstraction from absence of a proper and active voice of the workers and workers in the political life of the country. He was reading a very suggestive analysis these days that said that thus the macrismo could be thought of as political expression from 2008 rebellion of the field patterns and of the upper middle classes who accompanied them in the cities, mercy could be son of those mobilizations street that in the pandemic they came out to claim “freedom” when the quarantine was in force and running to the right of the government. That is to say, political expressions of street phenomena.
  • Thinking with the same logic, I think it is also the product of the “underrepresentation” of that social majority the one Milei wants deprive of rights or street absence of that social sector. To put it graphically: What would remain of the “Miilei phenomenon”? if it got moving the bulk of that working class and their allies in the “social movements” to, first of all, demand their salary and defend their conquests?
  • politics is relational: the strength of one is closely related to that expressed (or fail to express) the others. With this I don’t want to obstruct the debate that has everyone so entertained about “the Milei phenomenon”, but to try to delimit its real dimensions and, above all, make visible the “another phenomenon” which can face it really and effectively.

  • CGT / Working class / Javier Milei / Libertarians


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