In November 2023, Javier Milei garnered 56% of the votes. Fourteen million souls endorsed it at the polls. This electoral framework brought together multiplicity of subjectivities: From a rightism confessed and militant to the point of a concentrated boredom with what sounded like “old” politics. He brought together disaffected wage earners and disenchanted youth; He made the unrest that inhabited the so-called interior of the country resonate. Those images belong to a misty past. The present and the future are written with a very different script.

This Thursday, the government once again crashed into its own arrogance. She offered, as on April 23, an image of alienation from popular interests. Patricia Bullrich – once again – offered herself as a bizarre symbol of the government’s location: she attempted a fictitious trip with a SUBE without a balance. The attempt to simulate “normality” foundered in ridicule.

The discursive ferocity of the ruling party turned out to be insipid compared to the empty streets and avenues; to the images of unpopulated factories during working hours; to the buses circulating almost empty in the AMBA. The Government relied on its only rhetorical resource: speaking from “the people” who voted “against the caste.” But people… were stopping. Or supporting the strike, as seen in countless testimonies throughout the day.

The strike called by the CGT appeared as another enormous manifestation of growing political discontent. He repeated, with other methods, the discomfort that had emerged in the gigantic university mobilization. In the continuum between these two manifestations, a powerful relationship of forces, which enables the idea of ​​confronting and defeating the entire official plan. That refers the solution of political, social and economic tensions to the terrain of the streets and forceful measures.

That social power finds its most notable limit in the leadership of the so-called mass organizations. That is, in the convening union and social leaderships. Emblematic place of national history, this Thursday the Felipe Vallese room listened to the Cegetista leadership convert a huge action of struggle into an invitation to dialogue and negotiation. In a measure of pressure on the Government, proposing to “take note” of the growing magnitude of discontent. Four months later, in a more critical situation, the CGT reissues the failed guidance it deployed after the January 24 strike.

The union center operates, to a certain extent, as a “party.” She presents herself as a spokesperson for an alternative program to the fierce adjustment underway. Act like face of a Peronism plagued by internal tensions, which are far from being cushioned. A Peronism that, even in its multiple internal frictions, shares the objective of returning through elections in 2025 or 2027. At the same time, the CGT exercises the millennial art of negotiating your interests as a union caste. In this global work, it is strongly committed to avoiding the street as a scene of struggle and confrontation. Updated version of vandorism, strikes with the sole objective of negotiating. By doing so, it curtails the social power that is expressed in the streets and in massive measures of struggle such as this Thursday’s strike.

fighting for him capital

Los strategic limits of the CGT They are beyond social conflict. They emerge there as a condensation of a deeper economic and social problem: Peronism cannot offer a truly alternative country project to the one the ruling team is trying to execute.. Her confrontational discursivity stops, cautious, in front of a threshold; that of the real power of big business; national or foreign. That of large capitalist property.

The paper of Cristina Kirchner illustrates it. The former vice president offers herself as active spokesperson for a broad capitalist sector that does not find inclusion in the official program. Partially embodied in the UIA, this bourgeois faction is excited about the political and social order that Milei advertises. It demands, in return, not to be left out of the distribution of the cake. In that square of the circle the priests of “local industrialism” walk, anxiously, along with other fractions of the ruling class. It unites them, for these hours, the “scare” created by the RIGI, that regime of obscene benefits to large oil and mining multinationals. The claim against the “unfair competition” launched by the most market-internalist capital aims to equalize benefits; It demands living off the “spillover effect” that possible future investments would imply.

This program does not alter the scenario of economic reprimarization that marks Argentina in recent decades. On the contrary, it proposes its deepening. Peronist extractivism, but extractivism nonetheless. It offers – as compensation – a state regulation that lacks substance in real terms and credibility for the large popular majorities. The government experience of the Frente de Todos confirmed it dramatically: Vicentin and Care Prices they officiated empty signifiers of that emptiness that was “Present state”.

That management condensed the really feasible program for Peronism. Without breaking the conditions imposed by the IMF; Navigating in a world of geopolitical tensions, the management of Alberto Fernández, Cristina Kirchner and Sergio Massa pushed millions into poverty and disappointment.

This limited horizon explains, to a large extent, the work of containing union and social Peronism. Encouraging worker and popular mobilization entails a “danger”: unleashing forces that surpass the bureaucratic control of the apparatus. Stoke a display of struggles that decide to go beyond the objective of resisting the adjustment in progress. The 70s – we have said – served as a source of lessons. He Cordobazocalled as a general strike of resistance to the dictatorship, mutated into a semi-worker, youth and popular insurrection. In doing so, he opened a horizon of powerful revolutionary mobilization that shook the country for seven years. That enormous experience resides in ancient bureaucratic memories.

False dilemmas

Hegemonic discourses present a false dilemma; an apparently irreducible dichotomy between “enduring” Milei’s fierce adjustment or “waiting for Peronism to return”. An opposition that can only lead to the path of resignation.

He project bankrolled by Marcos Galperin and Paolo Rocca It supposes the unrestricted domination of big capital over the entire nation. It offers absolute commercialization as an irrefutable destiny. He peronism barely contrasts a warm regulation model to that economic power. So lukewarm and moderate that – between 2019 and 2023 – it was incapable of even stopping the growth of inequality.

He political conservatism of Peronism appears inseparable from that strategic perspective. In a radically opposite sense, the intense development of the broadest mobilization can officiate germ of a different strategic exitwhich builds conditions for a new order, according to the Italian revolutionary Antonio Gramsci. An order that puts the direction of the economy, politics and culture in the hands of the working majorities and the poor people. That allows the exploited and oppressed masses decide democratically the destiny of society.

That new order It presupposes, for example, putting in the hands of the working class the effective control of the energy, financial and productive resources of the country. How to avoid the permanent flight of foreign currency without controlling the levers of foreign trade or the banking system? How to prevent uncontrolled price speculation without real control of the links in the production chain? How to confront the structural lack of dollars – the so-called external constraint– without genuine control of the entry and exit of foreign currency? As prevent ferocious extractivism while the fate of the natural commons is democratically debated?

That new state of affairs can start building on the streets; in the active struggle of the working class, the youth, the poor people. On condition of releasing the energy that bureaucratic apparatuses limit. To develop the broadest self-organization, checking the limits imposed by millionaire and eternal leaders, always friends or allies to the power of the day. On condition of walk towards the general strikethe method capable of defeating the entire Mileist plan.

That perspective imposes a need: that the working class build its own political tool. May you develop a powerful socialist and revolutionary party. A tool capable of providing other directions to the struggles that are beginning to unfold, capable of preventing the impotent path of resignation that Peronism proposes. He PTS-Frente de Izquierda plays everything in that perspective. His deputies; its communication tools; the strength of their militancy in universities, schools, workplaces and working-class and popular neighborhoods. Fight that horizon within each union and each student center. Bet that the thousands of young people, women and workers who are born into political life in these shocking times are part of that urgent task.


Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *