Peronism repeats itself. Travel, in these hours, the same path that Mauricio Macri followed in the last years. He lets a fierce adjustment pass while preparing the conditions to attempt an electoral return. A new formulation of that “Hay 2019” which led to the paralysis of the struggles against the Cambiemos adjustment; that allowed a skyrocketing growth of poverty; which set the stage for the agreement with the IMF and the consequent jump in national debt.

However, Today the social and economic conditions are much more acute for the great popular majority. Milei contributes to this worsening, with a beastly advanced adjuster. Tariffs that deepen the recession; a recession that employers use to adjust by laying off; consumption that falls rapidly; a hunger that spreads throughout the national geography. All in the interest of the Monetary Fund and the great economic power.

Peronism contemplates the scene thinking about the elections of 2025 or 2027. The governors screw every peso while they apply their own adjustment plans in each province. The mayors apply the same recipe. There are only nuances there: adjustment is the national program of all administrations.

The bureaucratic union leadership of the CGT and the CTA plays strong statements. He repeats the threat of a national strike as a slogan. But the national strike does not come even if the attacks persist. The most recent is the scandalous and brutal attempt to close Télam; an attack on journalism that also implies more than 700 layoffs.

Peronist union leaders avoid the responsibility they have. They choose fights by sector that, in addition to being weaker, do not confront the government plan as a whole. That, furthermore, They leave millions of informal workers to their fate.lacking labor and union rights.

The leadership of Peronist and Kirchnerist social organizations They don’t break that dynamic either. They have mobilized against the adjustment to soup kitchens, but A forceful fighting plan that defeats the policies that starve the most humble is not on their agenda.. His absence became evident last Friday in front of Congress. That day, after the major riot that occurred at train and subway stations, the neighborhood assemblies and the left marched towards the building where Milei spoke to ratify her adjustment.

He parliamentary arc works in the same direction. The strong words are followed by the thread and the thread is followed by speculation. Last Friday, In the face of Milei’s offensive speech, they maintained a prudent silence. As many analysts pointed out, they chose to “leave aside” the discursive confrontation with the Government.

Moderation above all. AND That moderation finds translation in the 33-page platform offered by Cristina Kirchnerwhich offers to open the debate on the modalities of adjustment or structural reforms demanded by big capital.

In the runoff, Massa achieved 44% of the votes. It is equivalent to around 11 and a half million votes. If a portion of those millions took to the streets against the adjustment, Milei could not be advancing as she has been doing.

Hoy the consequent opposition to the adjustment in progress is embodied by the left. That was why – in his speech on Friday – Milei attacked her three times associating her with the resistance in the streets. This view is based on reality: while Peronism bets on the erosion of the Government, the various leftist forces promote the development of neighborhood assemblies. Few days ago, betting on developing self-organization, Myriam Bregman and Nicolás del Caño they called join the various assemblies in formation. The call is directed, in part, to those who voted for Massa in the hope of stopping the right and today Peronism by granting governability to Milei.

The The left also actively participates in the processes of struggle that are beginning to unfold versus adjustment. Nodal fights today like the one being fought in defense of Télam or against layoffs at GPSoutsourced to Aerolíneas Argentinas that laid off dozens of aeronautical workers.

Why doesn’t it explode?

In the argument to maintain his quietism, Peronism resorts to an argument of notorious cynicism: “people still do not explode”. The responsibility is thus placed on the working people who suffer the ferocity of the adjustment.

As Fernando Rosso wrote a few days ago: “In this question of ‘why don’t you explode’, people in general are asked to do so and the political and union leaders who do not call for more forceful actions are absolved (…) an issue is raised. circular: they do not call because it does not ‘explode’ and it does not ‘explode’ because they do not call for more forceful measures. And with all this, Milei is given something that is worth gold to him: time, which is what he is playing with.”

If you dig deeper you will also find an explanation for this lack of explosion: the lack of alternative. For many and many, Milei appears as a resigned option in the face of the return of previous political efforts. Those that led the country to ruin in the last decade. In this Peronism also has an enormous responsibility: continuing Macrista’s adjustment at the service of the IMF led millions to poverty and the precariousness of life. Part of the unstable support for the current president is based on that disastrous “inheritance.”

The most cowardly opposition in its own history?

In September 1955, Peronism was evicted from power by a ferocious, gorilla and reactionary coup. In the following years, The resistance to the regime of the (mis)called Liberating Revolution was exercised by the working class, politically identified with the deposed leader. The union and political apparatuses They oscillated – as a British historian wrote – between resistance and integration. They tried to negotiate but they also had to confront in the streets and with the struggle the attempts to destroy the achievements of the working class.

He Onganía’s coup, in June 1966, found the Peronist union leaders in a state of anxiety. They tried negotiate with the new power. They were able to do it for a short time. Resistance from below and official intransigence pushed them onto a path of moderate struggle. From exile, verbose, Juan Domingo Perón encouraged the fight. In that period, the Peronist youth emerged and, upon becoming radicalized, found expression in organizations such as Montoneros. The old leader, returning to the country in 1973, tried to close the process of class struggle that had opened in Cordobazo, in May 1973.

In its long history and even with multiple tensions, Peronism always acted as guarantor of the social interests of the capitalist class. From that place he always played the role of a party of order and restraint, alternating roles and moments. The passivity carried out by union and social organizations joins or combines with the offer to negotiate the adjustment formats. For those who want to confront and defeat the savage attacks against the popular majorities there is no political option. Peronism in the opposition functions today as a guarantor of the direction decided by Milei, the IMF and the great economic power.


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