Javier Milei believed in the deceptions of her own voice. He listened to his own story almost like a believer, offering it to friends and strangers as a miraculous formula. That illusion crashed into reality last Tuesday. He collided with a million wills ready to say enough is enough. He collided with a common sense that crosses layers and ages in Argentine society: the public education is a right to defend.

The crash created a new reality. He outlined the contours of a new stage, where volatility will be the norm. Buriedbesides, that sterile speech that called to “wait for the wear and tear” of Milei. It also opened a new political moment, where – everything indicates – the street will write a large part of the script. The timing of this dynamic remains to be seen.

At the feet of Michelangelo

The crowd this Tuesday The political loneliness of the Government became evident. The president’s arrogant nightly post did not reach 12 hours of life. The “lion” drank his own tears. Recognizing the legitimacy of the mobilization, confessed his own defeat.

The massive mobilization accelerated a ongoing political reconfiguration. The block of so-called “collaborators” rushed to the aid of the Government. He gladly proposed immediately closing the Omnibus Law and the fiscal package. He negotiated, at speed, a new draft of labor reform that both Federico Sturzenegger and Milei himself must consider almost a reissue of the Communist Manifesto.

In this political turn towards “the center” (the quotes are always few) we begin to outline a new configuration of capitalist governance. He had sued her Miguel Ángel Pichetto almost three months ago, during the debate of the first Omnibus Law. He got it now, after sentence to short life “coercive leadership,” which does not seek “constructive dialogue with Congress.”

He weak Bonapartist attempt by Javier Milei It seems to mutate in terms of form. Not in terms of content. The agreement with the collaborationist bloc amplifies the political pole that seeks to guarantee a fierce adjustment. It embodies the “political sustainability” demanded by the IMF and the large media corporation. The PRO converges in that company; the vast majority of radicalism and a fraction of Peronism, governors through.

In the background, while the political thread intensifies its work, the economy is foundering in a recessionary sea. Consumption plummets and a multitude of tensions emerge throughout society. Even the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA), pro-government of the fierce adjustment, warns about the consequences of the official plan.

The CGT and Peronism

The massiveness of the mobilization gave air to the CGT to achieve a “victory” in the thread without having to fight. The relationship of forces that the street dictated gave birth to the official concessions that ended up modifying the project that will reach the Deputies.

This should not lead to compliance. He condensed attack in the final text includes jumps in job insecurity and ease of dismissal. It also accompanies new attacks on salary and gives Milei powers to “regulate” state work at his whim. As if that were not enough, she advances fiercely against recovered factories, cooperatives and social organizationsThrough the attempt to sweep away the social monotax.

Pichettoeverything indicates, served as explicit spokesperson for the interests of unionism bureaucratic. In an endless give and take, he invited the Government to temporary surrender. His task appears as part of the work aimed at attempting a new political scheme, more stable than the current one.

Esa relationship of forceshowever, pre-existed the massive mobilization. The aunt in a growing disagreement, plagued by doubts and uncertainty. She emerged before each microphone of television mobiles; in every talk of everyday life. If she didn’t enter the scene before, the responsibility liesto a large extent, Peronist and Kirchnerist union and social organizations. They forged the story of the necessary wait for “Milei’s wear and tear.”

After the strike on January 24, The CGT became an essential moderating factor in this relationship of forces. Celebrated as vandorist tactic, that measure was used to demand a dialogue that the Government granted almost three months later. This arrived when the social crisis and unrest were loudly imposing a new national strike.

Instrument of containment of the mass movement, bureaucratic unionism (the vast majority is Peronist) avoid combat at any cost. Even this Tuesday, after the massive mobilization, the frenetic thread of labor reform continued. He agreed to negotiate within the frameworks offered by the Government and big business. He consented to a milder reform only to avoid the harshness of the conflict.

He The problem of the CGT is the one that runs through the whole of Peronism. The lack of an alternative program. This lack is not a theoretical or conceptual problem. Peronism lacks a program, because missing subject.

It does not have, on the one hand, anything close to a “national bourgeoisie” capable of driving the economy. Capable of offering, even if only in germ, a social fraction capable of antagonizing the model that Milei imposes. The truly existing “national” capitalist class has at its head a businessman who does business from Uruguay to avoid paying taxes and another who, for the same purpose, established legal domicile in the Duchy of Luxembourg. A fleeing and disinvesting class which – as stated in this Cenital newsletter – puts Argentina in fifth place in the world among the countries with the greatest wealth deposited in tax havens (in relation to the size of its economy), with 38%.

To Peronism It also fails him political subject. The “present state” today condenses past frustrations. Whether it raises hopes will possibly depend on the harshness of the ongoing adjustment. The memory -immediate and not so much- of millions is the empty and poor statism of the government of Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner. The story could not happen any other way. Tied to the iron frames imposed by the domination of the IMF, the Front of All was the Peronism of adjustment, resignation and rampant inflation.

Lacking a program and a subject, surrendered without a fight (an “unarmed Kirchnerism” as Alejandro Horowicz titled it very well), Peronism accepts negotiating portions of the program proposed by large concentrated capital. “Updating” or “modernization” of work; questioning the right to strike; savage extractivism, barely moderated by the State.

This Saturday Cristina Kirchner will speak in Quilmes. We don’t know what she will say. We don’t do futurology. We can’t find a Conan to consult with. We have an intuition. He will not call to confront the ongoing adjustment policies. He will offer some conservative solution to the ongoing crisis. Calling to prepare the electoral fight in 2025 and 2027. Or proposing “consensus” with a fraction of the collaborationists who support Milei.

Two strategies

Concession after concession, Peronism repeated the argument of the “relationship of forces” not to fight. Relying on the “electoral majority”, he allowed Milei to advance in practically all areas. His strategy invites exhausting waiting or controlled mobilization. It is subordinated to one objective: obtaining return through elections. Allow Milei to tear the country apart to make it easier.

The troska left, acted under the opposite premise. He took to the streets on December 20, defying repression. He threw pots and pans. He actively supported every fight against adjustment. He demanded continuous fighting measures from the CGT and the CTA. He faced the Omnibus Law, inside and outside the National Congressl. He suffered and faced the Bullrich Protocol. He PTS-FITU betFurthermore, to the development of the democratic self-organizationactively promoting the neighborhood assembly and any other form of organization that facilitated ongoing fights.

The strategy of the left is committed to deploying that enormous power contained in the relationship of forces. That massive force that flooded the streets of the country last Tuesday. Which was seen in the powerful UTA strike, just two weeks ago. That nests in the conscience of millions, who are not willing to let themselves be devastated by Milei, the IMF and the big employers. On Monday, at noon, we’ll see you in Congress to continue that fight.

Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com

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