A balance of the primary elections beyond and beyond impressionism. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program from La Izquierda Diario that is broadcast on Thursdays from 10 pm to 12 midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • The surprising national deployment of La Libertad Avanza, the political formation led by Javier Milei, was the political fact of the primary elections. It obtained more than 30% of the votes at the national level, triumphed over 16 of the 24 provinces and garnered more than seven million votes. From Sunday until now, we are discussing what is encrypted in those votes.
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  • However, these shocking numbers (basically because nobody expected them) can make us lose sight of other data that are equally significant: on the one hand, the collapse of Peronism, which lost almost 6 million votes since the last presidential elections (the so-called “federal Peronism”). ” lost 1.7 million), and on the other hand, Juntos por el Cambio, which as a whole lost more than 1.5 million votes compared to PASO in 2019, in which Mauricio Macri made a disastrous election.
  • If we add all this up, we are talking about 10 million people who changed their political allegiance quite quickly, today they turned to LLA, among other reasons, to punish the two coalitions that governed in recent times, but that can migrate again towards other directions. (I’m not saying between now and October, but more generally) or manifest itself in another way.
  • In addition, to this panorama we must add the historical levels of absenteeism: electoral participation barely reached 69% of the standard, the lowest since the return of democracy.
  • In this context, if we take the numbers of each candidate individually: the most voted was Milei, but with 30% (of those who went to vote); the second was Sergio Massa with 22%; the third was Bullrich with 17% and the fourth was Larreta with 11%. I once again highlight those who went to vote because if the entire electoral roll is taken, it is less, including Milei.
  • I believe that you have to read these crossed or combined data to understand or contextualize the “Milei phenomenon”. It is indisputable that it has greater characteristics of a vote of negative opposition than of positive adherence to an ideological or programmatic proposal. I mean that it is a “pure” angry vote? No, there will be adherence to some postulates, illusions regarding others, but all loaded with a lot of anger or what some political scientists described as “negative partisanship”: I vote against the other, rather than in favor of someone. In fact, this is how the “crack” had been maintained, only now it was against both of them.
  • With all this, without underestimating or despising Milei’s “wave”, I want to measure it in its proper measure because it participates in that cemetery of hegemonic ambitions into which Argentina has become of minority political coalitions.
  • The causes of this situation and the Milei phenomenon? Well, I wrote something in El Dipló on Monday, but let’s summarize: the discomfort due to the terrible economic and social situation in recent years, whether under the Peronist or Macrista government; a reaction to “state mimicry”, particularly in recent years: a lot of talk about the state saving you and little reality about that claim for many people, a rejection of what Nancy Fraser called “progressive neoliberalism”: broadening talk democratic rights in general and economic adjustment; a connection of an individualistic and meritocratic discourse with the reality of many people who are left to their fate in precarious jobs.
  • All this within the framework of an ideological operation carried out by the media, which is to include all this orientation within “the left”, so everything is rejected.
  • Now, if we talk about the space of the left in the broad sense (the people who rejected all these proposals from the left), we have the votes of Fitu, the other expressions of the left that did not pass the Paso and the votes of Juan Grabois (5 %) add up to almost 10% (which is understood beyond Grabois’s intentions, I’m talking about his voters): that is, a third of Milei’s votes, almost half of Massa’s, more than half of Bullrich and almost the same as Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. I think the wave of shift to the right has a counter-tendency there.
  • A pole of the left that must be strengthened towards the elections, but also on the streets, in the reorganization or reactivation of the movement for the rights of women or diversity, of those who want to defend the rights they maintain (labour, social, public), to tell those who lost many of those rights that their situation will not improve if all are disenfranchised. Because ultimately, that is Milei’s proposal: a competitive war between workers and workers, between those who have something and those who have nothing, while she proposes to give more to those who have everything.
  • Many people help him in this: the union leaders who leave the unemployed or the precarious abandoned to their fate; those who claim to defend education and public health, but empty the budget (and with this pave the way for privatizations), those who adjust: What better campaign for Milei than the devaluation that Massa applied on Monday at the request of the Monetary Fund And what triggered inflation?
  • What is the operation towards October? Look, make this adjustment, but you have to support us because Milei is on the other side. That is, you have to support policies that strengthen Milei because Milei is on the other side. The crisis is too deep to go around playing hide and seek, the disposition of forces, the data shows, is very open: they had an electoral triumph, but with its limits and contradictions. We have to act on that, but discarding those who propose to continue doing the same thing every day and expect different results.

    • Photo: Telam.

    Politics / Elections / STEP / Javier Milei / Freedom Advances

    Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com



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