Although it is moving forward with the adjustment, the Government is beginning to recognize the limits and deepen its ties with all castes. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that broadcasts on Thursdays from 10 p.m. to midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • There is a relatively well-known phrase by Marx, almost transformed into an aphorism, that says: “The anatomy of man is a key to understanding the anatomy of the ape.” It literally aims to explain that in developed phenomena they can be seen more clearly or more clearly. sharpness characteristics that in the less developed appear in an embryonic form and, therefore, in a more diffuse manner. In the developed capitalist economy (not to mention in its higher stage) elements that could be intuited in the mercantile economy can be observed with greater transparency. pre-capitalist or proto-capitalist, but which were not so evident. For example, the tendency of competition to deny itself with the rise of monopolies (which deny free competition or, rather, deny it in part and exacerbate it in another level making it more savage) became more evident in developed capitalism or the contradictions contained in the money commodity (and its different forms) that were clearly revealed in the crises.
  • What’s this all about? It seems to me that it can be applied to the more than three months of Javier Milei’s government and his relationship with a sector of his voters who—despite the savage adjustment in progress—still continue to support the option they chose. It could be said that in the “anatomy” of the three months of the Milei administration there are keys to the “anatomy” of the crisis of representation that affects the entire political system and of which Milei is a symptom. Only a disaffection with traditional politics of such magnitude can explain why the Government retains a support (less than any previous government), but still considerable.
  • Now, everyone knows that this is very weak, that “it heals with time”, we could say. Even the International Monetary Fund has been warning Milei about the danger that an adjustment that generates a combination of three explosive factors can have: social rejection, absence of political sustainability and lack of consistency in its own economic foundations. The last to point this out was Rodrigo Valdés, director of the Western Hemisphere Department of the IMF, who said (at the same event where Milei spoke) that it is necessary to support the most vulnerable segments of the population, “so that the adjustment does not falls on the workers and the productive sectors” and, in addition, he emphasized that it is necessary to “improve the quality of the fiscal adjustment, not the quantity.” He insisted that “effective and quality policies that can be sustained over time will be required.”
  • And, well, although the adjustment continues (the new chapter is the massive layoffs in the State), in their own way, Milei and his Government are beginning to take note of some of these problems. Let’s analyze three facts.
  • Milei spoke this week at the International Economic Forum of the Americas (IEFA) and asked to do so in the dark. What she told herself the most—and it’s probably true—is that she didn’t want her double chin to show and things like that. However, the nerves and impatience that were evident in that exhibition (some say, including journalist Leandro Renou) are due to Milei’s discomfort with Luis Caputo because inflation is not going down as he would like, because the dollars are not there. of the IMF that the minister had promised, and because it also begins to demand that he order the social chaos of adjustment. His frustration was expressed in that half-desperate call for people to take “the dollars out of the mattress.” This displeasure was noted in the form and content of the exhibition. Perhaps he wanted to hide his double chin with the low lights, although he also wanted to camouflage his annoyance and certain confusion at the lack of results.
  • Secondly, there was the meeting of the Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Francos with the governors of the so-called “Norte Grande” (10 leaders of the NOA and NEA who held the 19th Assembly of a Regional Council that are part of said bloc: Raúl Jalil (Catamarca) ; Leandro Zdero (Chaco); Gustavo Valdés (Corrientes); Gildo Insfrán (Formosa); Carlos Sadir (Jujuy); Ricardo Quintela (La Rioja); Hugo Passalacqua (Misiones); Gustavo Sáenz (Salta); Gerardo Zamora (Santiago Del Estero) ); and Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán).
  • There began a give and take with the provincial leaders to get the deputies or senators who respond to them to approve the new reduced version of the “Omnibus Law” in exchange for funds. This speaks of two things: of a national government that is going to “compromise” with the governors (often described as “feudal” by themselves) and of the governors willing to collaborate with Milei. The agreement could involve reinstating the salary tax or a labor reform version. Gustavo Sáenz, the host – a historical ally of Sergio Massa – stated that “just as the national government legitimately needs tools to execute its government plan, we governors also need predictability to execute our government actions.” That is, they would be willing to support the savage adjustment plan in exchange for money for their provincial “castes.”
  • Beyond this, what is demonstrated is that there is not a relationship of strength between them, but rather a relationship of weaknesses that is the product of an unprecedented political fragmentation.
  • Finally, there was the Government’s proposal to raise the nominations of judges Ariel Lijo and Manuel García-Mansilla for the Supreme Court. Let’s see, I don’t want to repeat that it was published everywhere about Lijo, look – if you want – for Paz Rodríguez Niell’s columns on this radio or Carlos Pagni in La Nación – and they will confirm that if the Judiciary is the caste between the castes, Lijo is the father of all the castes (with several complaints against him and his brother, a judicial operator) with favors towards all the tribes of traditional politics.
  • Why do you promote an unpresentable judge who generated rejection in many sectors? Even Amcham (the Argentine-American chamber of commerce) or the IDEA business colloquium raised their voices. Essentially due to political weakness: because if he fails to achieve “governability” in Congress, he wants a Court that, at a minimum, does not put any brakes on his wheel (for example, that does not overturn the DNU, something that is not guaranteed today). . For this reason, they say that he negotiated directly with Lorenzetti that he wants to recover the power that he lost in the Court. Be careful, if Lijo’s proposal is maintained and passes in the Senate (it needs two thirds, that is, 48 ​​votes) it is because it will have the support of one of the 33 senators of UXP, that is, those who respond to Cristina Kirchner. In other words, the negotiation with Lorenzetti will have been a “minor position.”
  • You know that when the “subprime” (mortgage) crisis occurred in the United States and the State went to the rescue of some large banks, George W. Bush, president at that time, said an anthological phrase: “I have abandoned the principles of free market to save the free market system.” Well, Milei could say “I have abandoned all anti-caste principles, to save the lie of the anti-caste government.”
  • All this demonstrates the weaknesses and contradictions of the Government and, most importantly, that if there is a decision to confront it, it can be defeated. And that is the most important thing to understand in moments in which the struggle of those below will confront this thread of those at the top.

Politics / Javier Milei / The Red Circle


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