The wild project of the ruling party and the unspeakable strategy of the opposition. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that broadcasts on Thursdays from 10 p.m. to midnight on Radio Con Vos, 89.9.

  • At this point it makes no sense to discuss the project of Javier Milei and La Libertad Avanza as if there were some enigma to be revealed or as if there were some unknown to be discovered. Perhaps the libertarian experiment is the clearest and most transparent thing on the national political scene. Never before have the objectives of a Government and the methods to carry it forward been so evident.
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  • We are facing an administration that intends—contrary to what it said in the electoral campaign—that the costs of the adjustment fall on the workers, the retirees, and the precarious popular majorities who need the assistance of the State in the face of a social system that decades ago condemned them to misery.
  • Blender and chainsaw are the figures – not very metaphorical – that the President uses to graph what his methods are: blender of income (salaries, retirement benefits and savings) that is produced through inflation and chainsaw for the more structural adjustments of certain structures of the State.
  • These methods are applied in tandem with arbitrary resolutions such as everything included in the Decree of Necessity and Urgency, the challenge of any minimal democratic debate, even “mimicry” of discussion that often takes place in Congress, even that bothers him. In addition, the extortion of the governors who Milei did not call them to a dialogue, he called them to a monologue and an accession agreement: he told them “you put the signature and I put the conditions.”
  • Regarding the general scenario, there are figures for all tastes and yourselves, the majority of those who are listening to this program know it and feel it in their pockets every day. However, there is one piece of information that is worth highlighting and that was rescued by journalist Marcelo Falak in his daily newsletter on the Letra P portal: The reduction in spending on retirements would have been equivalent to 43% of the total reduction in real spending carried out in the first two months, according to the Argentine Institute of Fiscal Analysis (IARAF). If salaries are added together with pensions: those two items from the first two months explain half of the total reduction in primary spending carried out in the period. Do you understand? Almost halfway through the adjustment, the spending cuts were due to a real reduction in pensions. The bulk of the adjustment is being paid by retirees. The elderly were the true “caste” in these two months. I repeat it in ten different ways so that it is recorded in those who are listening. The caste is happy (the political and business caste) and the retirees are poorer.
  • The caste is also happy because in this context there was an increase in the allowances of the national legislators determined by Victoria Villarruel and Martín Menem, who are going to earn two and a half sticks more or less. With yours, taxpayer!, as someone out there claims.
  • Another macro fact to take into account is that fiscal expenses are not only produced through salaries, pensions and social expenses or in subsidies to public services. They are also produced through subsidies to companies or tax exemptions to companies or regions (that is, taxes that are no longer collected). If one analyzes the general structure: there is more spending up there than down there. However, it is all down and nothing up. Conclusion: Milei does not want less of the State, he wants a State that favors one class.
  • Obviously, this adjustment needs to be covered or camouflaged by a thousand and one pocket wars that respond to a formula older than humidity: “If there is no bread, there must be a circus.” And Milei offers every day and night a circus between bizarre and sinister.
  • From the point of view of rhetorical tools, Milei applies in an alluvional way all the weapons that make up the arsenal of the reactionary right: showing himself as a combatant against “political incorrectness”, a way of hiding reactionary ideas behind the façade of “authenticity” (“we don’t know if we like what he says, but he says what he thinks”); presents his battle as a fight against a ghostly left-wing cultural hegemony that imposes its precepts through the “dictatorship” of the politically correct, in this way exploiting the political profit of self-victimization (“David against Goliath”), using provocation and scandal to take over the agenda and takes advantage of the chaos of modern communication where too many things happen at once and it is increasingly difficult to know what is happening.
  • The proper names of the ephemeral battles are circumstantial and random: “Lali” Espósito or Clarín, Hugo Arana or Silvia Mercado; Horacio Rodríguez Larreta or Ricardo López Murphy; Ignacio Torres or the neoclassical economists, the picketers, the education, railway, healthcare or aeronautical workers, feminisms or the satanic letter “e” of inclusive language that is terrible and has irreparably damaged us.
  • In short, Milei’s project is clear, very clear. What is not so clear (so to speak) is the attitude of those who say they oppose Milei and do not act accordingly. The CGT and the leadership of Peronism. I am not convinced by journalistic explanations that say “the opposition is confused, stunned, etc.”, so that is why it is paralyzed. They seem very benevolent to me. Is the CGT so stunned that it cannot convene the Confederal Central Committee to call for a general strike with mobilization so that this plan falls? I can assure you that there are plenty of people wanting to go out and there are not enough people to defend this experiment in the streets to fill a corner. As we saw with the 30 madmen who mobilized to Congress the day Milei inaugurated the sessions.
  • Are they stunned or is there actually something more going on? Could it be that the union leaderships, following a strategy of political Peronism, actually want Milei to do the dirty work of the adjustment that everyone believes is necessary and then propose themselves as an alternative to the scorched earth? Questions we ask ourselves, as Pagni would say. Rhetorical questions, obviously. Many times, Peronism says that the left has a “testimonial opposition”, but is there anything more “testimonial” than denouncing everything on TV, on the radio, on Twitter and not taking the measures according to the complaint?
  • At this point, then, the problem is not so much what Milei does, or it is not just what Milei does, but what they let him do.
  • Politics / Javier Milei / The Red Circle


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