The mobilizations of these two weeks in Peru expose the real structure of power. The so -called Z “students, precarious and rural workers and collective workers – has broken into the streets with a level of consciousness that overflows traditional channels of political representation. During these last two weeks, the mobilization has shaken Lima and other cities, denouncing not only the pension reform that forces young people and workers to join AFPS (private retirement) and ONP (public system), but also the logic of exploitation that sustains the bourgeois state: scandalous wages for political caste, corporate privileges, organized repression and protection of bourgeois property at the expense of the work of millions.
Nothing that happens in the country should be understood as a dispute by the State: this is not a neutral referee or a mediation instrument. Police and army do not protect citizens; They are instruments of coercion at the service of the ruling class, which expand and reinforce when social contradictions intensify. Youth has learned it directly: each march, each concentration and each place taken evidence the repressive nature of a state apparatus that protects private interests while reprimanding those who produce wealth.
Complaint to the coup government and its complicity
It cannot be overlooked that behind this machinery is a coup and ultra -right government: that of Dina Boluarte, who has demonstrated its affinity with the most reactionary sectors of the country, including the active complicity of Congress. This regime not only sustains the interests of local bourgeoisies, but also tune in with the International Trumpism agenda, seeking to consolidate the influence of imperialism on national politics. In other words, repression and laws against exploited are not incidental; They are part of a deliberate strategy to maintain the subordination of the country to local and foreign bourgeoisies.
Capital Laws: The pension reform as a trigger
The immediate trigger for the mobilization has been Law No. 32123, approved by Congress and supported by the Executive, which forces all young people and workers to join AFPS or ONP, regardless of labor precariousness. This standard does not seek to guarantee decent pensions: it ensures that the funds of millions of workers remain under private control, feeding the bourgeoisie while workers finance their own subordination.
The attempts to partially retreat – partial repeal projects, extraordinary retreats – are mere cosmetic operations. AFPS continue to extract surplus value from affiliates; Banks and corporations, together with the political caste, ensure that resources continue to circulate for the benefit of the ruling class. In parallel, episodes such as conflicts and repression of communities that protest against mining exploitation as in Pataz and Antamina, raw the alliance between State and companies, and show that the mechanisms of state coercion are not limited to the city, but extend to protect the accumulation of capital where necessary.
Youth that do not shut up: composition and demands
Generation Z has become an autonomous political actor. Student groups, independent and precarious workers express clear demands:
• Absolute rejection of pension reform and the obligation of affiliation to AFPS and ONP.
• Requirement of retreats of funds as a defense mechanism in the face of constant extraction of wealth.
• Denunciation of state corruption, scandalous salaries of congressmen and presidents, and private businesses that are sustained with public resources.
• Justice for victims of previous protests (2022-2023), even without responsible.
• Minimum guarantees for protest, without repression or intimidation.
These demands do not seek partial adjustments, but directly confront a regime whose essence is to protect the bourgeoisie and discipline workers.
Coercion devices at the service of the ruling class
The bourgeois state displays its coercion instruments in a methodical way. Police and army act with systematic violence: square blocks, use of tear bombs and pellets, mass arrests, attacks on health brigades and journalists. It is not isolated episodes: it is the structural function of the State, guaranteeing that the richness of a few remains intact while repressing those who challenge the exploitation.
Conflicts in Pataz and Antamina are explicit examples: communities and workers face the organized violence of the State to protect mining interests, demonstrating that repression is not “excessive” but constitutive of the bourgeois order.
Reformism in ridicule
If bourgeois reformism once believed that it could mediate between popular demands and political caste, reality has denied it with irony. López Chau (candidate of the Central Left Party now Nation) intended to serve as a mediator during the mobilizations in San Martín Square, but was publicly booed. His attempt to negotiate with youth indignation became a ridiculous show that exposed his helplessness.
This episode remembers that of the congresswoman Sus the walls (first people), who was prevented from entering the shots of the National University of San Marcos due to the rejection of students who still remember their role in the repression of street vendors while she was a municipal official. Both cases show the same: reformist mediation does not achieve recognition or authority between those who suffer from exploitation, and their role is reduced to trying to appease the fury of the exploited while prolonging bourgeois domination.
Mediations that prolong oppression
Traditional unions, such as the CGTP, under the direction of Stalinist or Maoist groups, prefer to parade next to bourgeois unions such as the Confiep, Capeco or the SIN, announcing the creation of an alleged “popular front” against fascism, while avoiding organizing the mobilization from the base. They opt for institutional legitimacy rather than the autonomy of workers and young people, subordinating the real struggles to the facade of an alliance with the bourgeoisie.
The promises of dialogue, advanced elections or superficial reforms function as exhaust valves that divert the youth indignation of the central objective: hit the exploitation structures and submit to the power of the ruling class to real questioning. López Chau and Susel Paredes embody the farce of reformism: mediators that, under the illusion of negotiation, end up being tacit partners of the governments of the day, today of Boluarte, accomplices of repression and prolongers of oppression, unable to even represent the elementary interests of those who suffer from exploitation.
Structural obstacles and revolutionary strategy
The heir regime of Fujimorismo and Neoliberalism of 1993 has a reinforced power structure that does not collapse by the spontaneity of mobilizations. Its solidity is sustained in the economic support of banks, AFPS, agro -exporters and large mining companies, who have an instrument of coercion in the state to guarantee stability and maximize benefits. Police and army reproduce class violence, and the media criminalize protesters to justify repression.
The fragmentation of the working class and the generalized precariousness aggravate the situation. Much of the workers not yet participated organized; The Industrial Reserve Army, called by some as the informal sector, remains dispersed. The concentration of mobilizations in Lima facilitates central repressive action, while in provinces the movements are more vulnerable. Systematic repression – intimidation, threats and violence – reduces resistance temporarily, and the institutional left, complicit of the system, does not build real strategic coordination. Together, this strengthens the bourgeois state and reinforces the idea that only the independent organization of the exploited can challenge it.
Gradual reforms do not demolish exploitation: mobilization must become conscious action. For this, an organized entry of the working class – over the field, mining, agro -export, transport and essential services – to paralyze the surplus value centers is necessary. A general political strike convened from below, with democratic assemblies in each workplace, neighborhood or district, would allow coordination without bourgeois intermediaries.
Without this organization, the protests will continue to be fragmentary and vulnerable to the reformist co -optation, and the bourgeois regime will continue to operate with its intact coercion machinery.
Conclusion: The resurgence of the historical spark
The Z generation has turned on a spark again in Peru, a spark that goes beyond the defense of pension funds: it points directly to the foundations of the bourgeois regime, that machinery that guarantees the wealth of a few while millions survive in precariousness and systematic exploitation.
If workers, young people and peasants manage to make their indignation into a conscious, disciplined and autonomous organization, can identify the true enemy: the political caste, the AFP, the banks, the mining and agro -export bourgeoisie, the media and the state coercion devices. Only then will the revolt cease to be a scattered cry to become a force capable of challenging exploitation and highlighting the structural oppression that sustains the bourgeois order.
That is not limited to fragmentation or reformist mediations. That the youth and workers spark transforms into fire that collapses the farce of the coup regime of Boluarte and its complicity with Congress, exposes the alignment with imperialism and Trumpism, and submits to examination each gear of the state machinery that protects the capital and represses the life of the exploited.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
