Musk’s war against America’s allies raises an urgent question for Europe: does he speak for Trump or act on his own, testing the West’s limits?
The United States did not elect Elon Musk. Yet he is acting as Donald Trump’s de facto co-president. Musk’s self-proclaimed role includes advocating regime change in allied democracies. He has repeatedly stated that only the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party can save Germany in next month’s elections. He calls for an end to Sir Keir Starmer’s Labor government in the UK and asked his 211 million followers on the X network whether “the US should free the British people from their tyrannical rule”. The consensus seems to be yes.
It would be an understatement to say that there is no precedent for such a relationship between the US president and the richest man in the world. History offers no guidance for this type of partnership, much less when the financial side of it openly advocates the overthrow of allied governments. America’s robber barons—the Rockefellers, Vanderbilts, and Carnegies—did not act as equals to the presidents of their day. Not even his legendary fortunes compare to Musk’s. JP Morgan was worth $49 billion in today’s values. Henry Ford, who also had sympathies for European fascism, had a fortune close to US$200 billion. Musk’s wealth is more than double that. Ford was not admired by Franklin Roosevelt, his White House contemporary.
On the other hand, the past is full of examples of American interference in the politics of other countries. With the exception of postwar CIA operations to prevent communists from coming to power in continental Europe, Washington’s interventions exclude allies. The question facing governments in Berlin, London and, probably soon, Paris, is how to respond to this new threat. Is Musk speaking for Trump? In this case, the West is already practically defeated. Or is he testing the waters? This would give Western capitals room to exploit differences between Trump and Musk. The answer is probably a mix of both.
Equally significant is what Musk isn’t saying. While he bombards Germany and the United Kingdom with criticism, his silence on Russia and China speaks even louder. Musk has never spoken out in favor of political prisoners or against repressions in any of these autocracies. Still, he praises Tommy Robinson, a British far-right agitator serving his fifth prison sentence, as a prisoner of conscience. It’s safe to say that Musk is not motivated by philanthropy towards English children victimized by gangs of men, mainly of British-Pakistani origin. Child exploitation scandals in the UK date back more than two decades, almost all under Conservative governments. Musk said nothing at that time.
Since Labor came to power, the welfare of English children has suddenly become their obsession. He called Jess Phillips, a minister in the Starmer government, an “apologist for genocide by rape”. It also claims that a quarter of a million British children are being systematically abused. It would take an AI-scale polygraph to catch all of Musk’s misinformation. At a rate of one post every few minutes, the speed of their posts is only surpassed by their shocking impact. Nowhere has Musk expressed concern about the estimated 20,000 Ukrainian children kidnapped from their homes and forcibly adopted by Russian families.
If this agitation was just Musk’s, the UK, Germany and others could deal with it. The British public’s dislike of Musk limits his influence. Fewer than one in five Brits view him favorably, according to a recent YouGov poll. Musk is also hampered by his ignorance. In calling for the removal of Nigel Farage as leader of the right-wing Reform UK party, he ignored the fact that Reform is Farage’s personal vehicle. His suggestion that King Charles dissolve Parliament reinforces doubts about his understanding. Elected governments, not monarchs, decide when to call a general election in the UK. Musk’s impact on Germany — and his knowledge of the country — may be even smaller.
Musk’s silence on China is easier to understand. His company Tesla has large operations there that he doesn’t want to risk. Trump’s default approach to the world is transactional; its policy toward China remains unclear. In contrast, Musk amplifies Trump’s admiration for Vladimir Putin’s Russia and his contempt for Europe. It would be unwise to assume that Musk is just teasing. It’s not just about money either. Trump and Musk’s shared antipathy toward European liberal democracy is real. Both share a rush to end the war in Ukraine on terms that could end up favoring Russia. The AfD promises to end Germany’s support for Ukraine. Starmer stepped up British aid.
The eastern side of the Atlantic alliance thus faces a journey without maps. Europe’s habit has always been to hope for the best. This time, she should prepare for the worst.
By Eduardo Luce, he is the author of three highly acclaimed books, The Retreat of Western Liberalism (2017), Time to Start Thinking: America in the Age of Descent (2012), and In Spite of the Gods: The Strange Rise of Modern India ( 2007), for the Financial Times*
Source: https://www.ocafezinho.com/2025/01/07/quando-musk-desafia-aliados-o-ocidente-treme/
