A few years into the 90s, Menem functioned as a political vacuum cleanerattracting fragments of the political system. The most remembered event is, perhaps, the dissolution of the UCeDé in the broad ruling coalition. After the privatizations, having stabilized prices, that neoliberal Peronism seemed unbeatable. But the strength declined within half a decade. In 1995the Patagonian cold illuminated the pickets in Cutral Co and Plaza Huinculembodying the rising social anger. He August 8, 1996, a massive strike hit in the forehead a management harassed by the effect Tequilavery high unemployment and a ton of corruption cases. A long countdown began, which saw a widespread social rebellion flourish.
This Sunday night, at the opening of ordinary sessions, Javier Miley will stage the euphoria produced by the recent parliamentary victories. It will dramatize a strength that is very apparent. Not even the voted laws have full consensus social nor the political machinery that guaranteed them It is free of tension.
An illegitimate reform
Known this week, a Atlas Intel study charted the social limits of the new norm. 49% of the people consulted do not consider a labor reform necessary. In this framework, 56% reject the fragmentation of vacations and 59% reject the limitation of the right to strike, key aspects of the new legislation.
A week ago, hours before the vote in the Chamber of Deputies, the consulting firm To this had defined that it was a legislative victory and a digital defeat.
Legislative victory, digital defeat📲
February maintains a negative trend in the sentiment of digital audiences towards Milei, after 4 months of positive balance.
Yesterday’s debate on labor reform attracted 48.5% negativity.
More information, here 👇 pic.twitter.com/PV9WUVVzYh
— Ad Hoc (@AdHocOK) February 20, 2026
The failure occurred where the ruling party proclaimed unquestionable superiority. Reinforcing this analysis, a recent study by Trends Consulting He indicated that the debate on networks “not only was rejection of the reform expressed more intensely than support, but also the main reference was the left.”
Esa growing sympathy towards the left peaked again this Friday. The combative protest at the Obelisk, where they were present Nicolás del Caño and Myriam Bregman, catalyzed widespread social unrestwhich finds its deepest reasons in the critical social and economic situation that millions of working families are going through.
“I ask Peronism where are the people who claim to defend us from this. The truth is that I TAKE OFF MY HAT ON THE LEFT, BY BREGMAN, DEL CAÑO, THEY ARE HERE, THEY PUT THEIR BODY” pic.twitter.com/yMG6JKp4l7
— La Izquierda Diario (@izquierdadiario) February 27, 2026
Las combative protests of the left and anti-bureaucratic unionism they function as a moralizing factor in the political scene. As an invitation to extend the struggle and organization; to not resign oneself to the brutality of power; not to be discouraged by the discouragement of the lukewarm political opposition.
The pact with caste
Freedom Advances works like pole of attraction for the scraps on the right. It also attracts the numerous splinters of an exploding Peronism. However, his parliamentary successes are tied to surgical negotiationswhere everyone demands their part. He mechanism is far from stable and must be validated in each sessioneach law and, sometimes, in each article. This was evident by the vote on the labor reform, both in the Senate and in the Deputies.
The Government has another point of support: the betrayal of the CGT. The union caste is among the most discredited actors in the institutional system. His actions regarding the labor reform only increased this negative perception. The Peronist bureaucratic leadership handed over historic conquests in exchange for its own cash. Trying to disguise responsibilities, he accused the workers of “having voted” for Milei.
The manifest betrayal did not prevent the social anger from appearing powerful in the national strike on February 19. A strike that acted as a political statement against a state of affairs that combines the meaning of the reform with a general precariousness of life, which includes salaries that are not enough, financial stress and exhausting work hours.
Widespread, the anger against that caste is a fundamental support point to fight to recover union organizations. For cleansing them of that army of traitors and reorganizing them from below, converting the democratic and assembly functioning in a permanent mechanism, in order to enhance the strength of the working class.
2027: a year for the “traitors” to return
In historical crisis, Peronism attempts precarious attempts at recomposition. They all seem like a trip on the Ghost Train.
This week, in an interview of more than two hours with Ernesto Tenembaum, Axel Kicillof He repeated the catchphrase of “expansion” and the clichés around “building with others.” Ironically, in the 135 minutes that the talk lasted, the governor He did not find a place to criticize the Peronist governors of Tucumán and Catamarca, who had just guaranteed the vote on the slave reform in the Chamber of Deputies. This “forgetfulness” illustrates the type of broad construction that is offered.
In the last hours, that Peronism in diaspora facilitated a meeting between Cristina Kirchner and Miguel Ángel Pichetto. The former president once stated that in politics offenses expire after six months. Does the same period fit for former vice presidential candidate of Mauricio Macri?
The political logic is all too familiar: hay 2027. Looking to that future, the “traitors” of today and yesterday are the candidates of tomorrow.
These movements find a point of support in the strong tensions that run through the economic elite. Behind the verbal war between Milei and Paolo Rocca or Javier Madanesan ascending social tension is hidden. In a scenario marked by the collapse of popular consumption and the avalanche of Chinese imports, the ongoing industry acts as a material basis for these shocks.
Published days ago by Indec, the Business Trend Survey in the manufacturing industry materializes these tensions: the lack of demand – both external and internal – operates as the main reason for not increasing production.
Esa economic elite, partially dissidenthas already found spokespersons. Both in Pichetto and in Victoria Villarruel, that exile within the Executive Branch itself. Transiting another lane, a little to the left, within that economic nationalism, another faction of Peronism evokes the ghostly “national bourgeoisie”. He tries, without success, to find a social subject capable of confronting the Mileist plan. Reality, petty, does not offer it.
The The truly existing national bourgeoisie is the one that opened the way to power for Javier Milei. From Eduardo Eurnekian, who made him a figure and candidate, to Paolo Rocca himself, who put together a portion of the national Cabinet and the management of YPF. From the UIA, which sat on the May Council, to the Chamber of Commerce, whose president has just agreed to “fall by the wayside” to save the economic plan. That social class is the one that has been fleeing their wealth to tax havens or establishing legal domicile abroad to evade taxes. It is the one that accompanied Menem’s privatizations, endorsed the serial debt with the IMF and demanded slave labor reform. It doesn’t even have the N for “national”.
The battles to come
Riding on his own euphoria, the mileism He appears all-powerful. As happened too many times in these two years, it is overdrawing again. Splintered exponentially in its crisis, the peronism It already paves the way for new failures. For confront the ferocious state and business offensive, the working class has to build a new political force of its own.
A force capable of facing the battles of the present. Those combats of the class struggle that are already breaking out. like him national teaching strikewhich will set the agenda on Monday of next week; like the hard fight of Fateagainst the attempted closure. Like the struggle at the Garrahan Hospital or the struggle at the Aires del Sur metallurgical company, in Tierra del Fuego.
A political force, too, to prepare the fights of the future. Those in which the solutions to the national crisis will be outlined. Because if the working class does not build its own political force and its own programwill continue to be pushed towards social catastrophe by the various capitalist factions. Confronting this direction is an urgent militant task.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
