In recent days, one of the most outstanding movements of the political scene was the exacerbation of Javier Milei’s authoritarianism and his sister Karina, not only outward, but especially inward his ranks.
Ramiro Marraimportant and founder of La Libertad advanceshe was expelled from space a few days ago by a brief statement published in X (former Twitter). The language of that letter was already hard: “All those who do not respect the president’s agenda will be expelled. It doesn’t matter who they are. ” However, the tone seems soft compared to what came later. This week Javier Milei He referred to the subject in an interview and explained that Marra “executed it”.
In that same report, the president said that “they say that My sister has a guillotine. Well yes, it has a guillotine. If you do things against the parameters we have, Guillotina. ”
They were not only words, but also facts. This week The president expelled the head of AnsesMariano de los Heros (for having advanced that a retirement reform is prepared), Sonia Cavallo -was an ambassador to the OAS-, the daughter of the former Menemist Super Minister which was considered by Javier Milei “the best economist in Argentine history” and is now qualified as “unpresentable” for questioning some aspects of the economic model. The daughter linked her. They are names that add to the very extensive list of fired in just more than a year and that includes former officials such as Nicolás Posse or Diana Mondino, among many others, which results in what goes from mandate Milei to two high -ranking officials per week.
But, What are the conductive threads of so much nervousness by Javier Milei and his sister, which makes it necessary to crush all dissentWhat journalist Ernesto Tenembaum called Milei’s “Stalinism”? Perhaps, beyond the story and Twitter battles, not everything is so low control. Let’s look at some elements.
1) The economy did not start well in the electoral year that will be decisive for the future of the Milei government. The road to October is long. It is no longer just the real economy, something that was already obvious for those who see their salaries, their retirement, their health or education benefits or lose their jobs. They also begin to be more clearly naked. The Argentine stock market fell more than 10 % in a month. The Central Bank has been selling millions of dollars of reserves that are scarce to seek the central objective of the ruling party: try not to devalue before the elections, so that inflation does not rebound and that leads to an electoral defeat that would feed back the economic and political crises ( In this combo the uncertainty is added with respect to whether there will be alliance with the PRO). The commercial opening and the current account deficit tense more everything, while less and less clear the departure date of the stocks. The growing statement that “the dollar is late” is the one that most irritates Milei’s nervousness. But that approach do so from liberal economists such as Domingo Cavallo, to the patronage of the field or industry sectors. Even more The IMF would be demanding some type of devaluation for the sole objective that interests it: that Argentina accumulates dollars to pay the external debt. Precisely, and beyond some “correction” or “profits”, the delay in signing the agreement with the IMF is one of the reasons that make the markets doubt these days. Although it ends up signing in the coming weeks or months, and even if they achieve Pilotear The situation until October (which is about to be seen), the tensions of the economic model are already exposed. Incidentally, it should also be noted that that verse of the rigi is naked that the country was going to save with a rain of investments. For now it is all financial bicycle, money laundering and turning a candle to the IMF. For the majorities, any of these options constitutes a trap: neither the impoverishing scheme of Milei, nor a devaluation that further spray income. We must make a sovereign ignorance of the external debt looting mechanism.
2) The false friend Donald Trump. The arrival of the ultra -rightist Republican to the White House, next to Elon Musk and all his henchmen, was celebrated by Javier Milei to fatigue and used as an alleged advance for his “cultural battle.” However, and like so many other things, it was an oversized symbol. Beyond the gestures, the arrival of Donald Trump to power enhanced the strengthening of the dollar and a protectionist policy of tariffs that not only have nothing to do with the “free trade” sold by the Argentine president, but worsened qualitatively International conditions for the national economy, pressing the devaluation to different countries just at the time Milei clings to the exchange rate as its only salvation. In the last hours, even the US president spoke of his country’s deficit with Argentina, in a context in which Milei encourages a free trade agreement with the United States. Although both the Republican and the Argentine tomorrow delete with the elbow what they write today with the hand, they are gestures that indicate that not everything will be so linear or so easy. For now, Milei kneels begging for some help to leave the agreement with the IMF.
3) Davos, a shot by the cylinder head. Trumpist euphoria drunk after going to the assumption of the Republican in the United States, Javier Milei went through Switzerland and distilled a hate speech against sexual diversity and against women who was immensely repudiated. Before he had also threatened the “left -handed children of a bitch.” In a serious calculation error, He lost one of the largest short -term strengths he had, which was monopolizing the center of the political scenesince a few days later an immense crowd in the streets throughout the country gave a defeat to his reactionary speech and He showed that there is great political and social opposition to his government. Now, in an attempt to correct that situation, they are wanting to change the agenda towards a hardening of the Criminal Code and towards an ultra -right -time punitivism regarding the so -called “insecurity.” It will most likely be one of its electoral campaign axes.
4) Surveys that mark consensus for their background plans. According to a recent report by the Atlas consultant made together with Bloomberg, 63 % of Argentines believe that the economic situation is wrong. At the same time, the study indicates that Milei’s disapproval grew From 45.4 % in December to 49.9 % in January, with an approval that went from 47.4 % to 46.8 %, accounting for the polarization we have been pointing out and a stagnation situation and slight recoil of the Government in its public image. More importantly, a study by Zubán Córdoba and associates of this month concluded that 67.8 % of Argentines think that the State should guarantee equal opportunities for citizens. Also 66.6 % said that billionaires should pay more taxes than the rest, while a similar percentage (66.5 %) replied that in their opinion the inequality of income between rich and poor is very high in Argentina. They are indicators, in line with others that we have previously cited with respect to the majority opinion in favor of a larger state that provides more services, which account for a great contradiction for the official discourse and its cultural battle regarding the body of the State. Mainly, also, this dynamic between government plans and broad sectors of the population anticipates future classes of class struggle. Anses’ dismissal to announce a retirement reform in the middle of the electoral year cannot be understood separately to this lack of government hegemony for their plans. Nor the repeated and enraged attacks on the left, which is the one that is committed to defeating Milei’s plan with the street mobilization.
5) with the nervous above and the downstream in which something that moves. While doubts grow, some things begin to change. The massive mobilization against Davos’s reactionary discourse was the clear sign that there is A wide strip of the population willing to mobilize against attacks when there are clear calls. It emphasizes, in turn, the enormous responsibility of trade union conductions that have been erased for months. Together with the PRO, the radicals and the Peronists who vote laws and vetoes in the National Congress, they are responsible for Milei having “governance” for their plans. But below other phenomena, still incipient, that it is necessary to support and coordinate. Are the workers of the Hospital Bonaparte that fight against dismissals and emptying as well as other sectors of public health and memory sites; the Retirees that persist mobilizing every week; The thousands who act in solidarity before the fires in Patagonia and in provinces as currents before the criminal attitude of the State and the great owners; those that are planted in companies such as Shell, Pilkington, Praxair and others against layoffs; Those who repudiate the executions of the gendarmerie of Patricia Bullrich in Salta and Jujuy with complicity of the Peronist and Radical governments respectively; Those who prepare to mobilize massively again on March 8 and 24, among many others.
Javier Milei’s model begins to show his contradictions. It is true: it still has the support of the great financial capital, the complicity of bureaucrats and even the winks of those who voted for the half sanction of cancellation of the step to design the elections as you want (including 25 deputies of Peronism) . But the idea that he can face it grows more and more. It’s today, and it’s now. And not only with fight: also with a program for the crisis to be paid by the capitalists, because when this sinks, you will not have to look at the past looking for recipes that have already failed.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
