— My friend, I just want your opinion. Do you think it would be useful for our leaders to talk on the phone?
– I think so.
—And when do you think it would be possible?
—I think that as soon as you propose it, my boy is willing to do it.
“My boy” is Donald Trump, sitting president of the world’s greatest power. This is how Steve Witcoff, US special envoy to the Middle East, treats it. Almost begging for a meeting with Vladimir Putin, the imperial official exposes the weaknesses of the republican management.
Tied to his (unfounded) desire to appear as a great peacemaker, Trump proposes a “peace plan” that seems to be written by Putin himself. A true extortion that, if effective, will constitute a real humiliation for Zelensky and the European powers that support him.
Today it is the United States itself that calls into question the old the state in which international. However, a political-military triumph for the former KGB spy would, to a certain extent, constitute a strategic setback for North American imperialism: Russia It is part of the powers that challenge its already declining hegemony.
Inside borders, Domestic problems continue to plague the Republican president: discredit due to the Epstein scandal; growing breakdown of the MAGA movement; an economy with notable tensions. The combo fuels a persistent decline in the polls, which affects both the presidential figure and the Republican management.
Trying to weather those tensions, for these hours Trump The attack against two members of the National Guard is exploited as much as possible. Racism on the stickit is assumed that the alleged aggressor would be an Afghan immigrant, who arrived in the United States in 2021.
Giving himself body and soul, Javier Milei tied his fate to that of the North American president. The crises that affect the North American administration will inevitably have repercussions on this soil. Saying when, how and how much…would be cheap futurology.
¿Vivo?
Emblematic question of Argentine television, asked too many years ago by Susana Gimenezcould be re-used to talk about the CGT. This Wednesday, Gerardo Martinezbureaucratic leader of the Uocra, was encouraged by the opposition speech. Lukewarm, dull, boring, but distant towards the national government on a thorny issue: labor reform.
This “hitting (the table) to negotiate” illustrates a structural contradiction that crosses the corrupt caste that usurps the unions: it is too close to a government which, at its core, prays for a country without unions nor labor rights.
Coming out of its torpor, the CGT shows concern. In addition to statements, its leaders step into the occasional conflict. But he acting It has no consequences: neither measures of struggle nor protest actions. The Cegetist times are those of Methuselah: They will take two weeks to convene a meeting where they would discuss how to act in the face of the labor reform and the growing wave of layoffs.
For these hours, that is the news that persists in the media. Layoffs occur in companies linked to an internal market that, while suffers from recessionit will gorging on imported products. In this framework, employers use the crisis to advance layoffs and job insecurity. These are not small workshops. The multinational Whirlpoolwhich had a global turnover of USD 17 billion last year, has just closed its plant in Pilar.
The financial euphoria of the days after the electoral victory it went off. The Central Bank continues to lack dollars and the promise of USD 20 billion provided by large banks has vanished. Damn figure, the Country Risk remains too high for the objective that Luis Caputo declaims at every step: access to international credit. The “miracles” of Vaca Muerta and lithium are, still, promises.
The social crisis emerges in other variables. Grows the late payment of credits. They also grow lawsuits for expense debts. They rose almost 60% between the first half of 2024 and the same period in 2025. All this accompanying a stagnation and fall in consumptioncounterbalanced with a daily festival of promotions.
Milei will be able to overcome the “technical recession”but the real recession, the one that is felt in the pockets of millions of workers, is still there, intense and violent. AND the pocket is still the most sensitive viscera.
A splintered Peronism turning to the right
“Produce, produce, produce”. Under that apothegm, in 1955, Juan Domingo Perón convened the National Congress of the Productivity. It had one objective: to get unions and internal commissions to accept greater conditions of exploitation. Months before being overthrown by the violent gorilla coup, the then president endorsed the agenda of a fraction of the business community.
He same chorus seems to sing at this time Kirchnerism. Or at least, that’s how it would appear from the document 400 pages prepared by its economists and promoted by Cristina Kirchner. According to Iván Schargrodsky, “the text focuses on the productivity of the Argentine economy – as a limitation to both growth and the genuine generation of foreign currency and salary improvement –, which is why it assumes an approach that looks not only at the internal market, but also at the fluctuations of the external sector.”
Far from offering resistance to the mileist adjustment, the peronism proposes various adjustment variants. Versions “light” which, however, have in common to be ordered respecting the power and interests of the economic elite.
Managing the Province of Buenos Aires, Axel Kicillof takes the adjustment proposals to reality. During these hours, in the middle of an exhausting internal session, the provincial legislature is discussing a Budget project signed by the indebtedness and the cut to salary items. This was what the Left Front denounced, both on campus and in the streets.
He splintering of Peronism seems infinite. This Thursday, the governor Raúl Jalil from Catamarca formalized his departure from Fuerza Patria. Forming a new space together with other provincial leaders such as Gustavo Sáenz (Salta) and Osvaldo Jaldo (Tucumán), he will be guided by the method of constant negotiation with the Mileist management. For now, now looks fondly at the labor counter-reform.
The multiple wings of Peronism have a “strategy”: wait until 2027. In the meantime, they indulge in an inconducive internalist dance that – in addition to allowing the adjustment to advance – can only lead to the demoralization of their militancy and sympathizers.
A program to confront the crisis being fought in the streets
He October 26 blackmail won; extortion won. The fierce pressure from Trump, Bessent and the US, offering the duality between the milleist adjustment or an eventual economic catastrophe associated with Peronism. The electoral victory of Freedom Advances It was not equivalent to a social triumph, to the massive legitimation of its savage adjustment program.
Los real battles are yet to be fought. The labor counter-reformwho will enter Congress in days, appears as the first. It is not, however, the only battle. today is essential to surround every fight against layoffs or closures with active support of company. Fill each struggle with solidarity, to strengthen them and turn them into support points for a general fight.
At the same time, it is essential to wage a fight in each workplace, betting on the organization of meetings or assemblies that allow workers meet, discuss and fight to impose on the union leadership break the treacherous truce they maintain.
Represented by Milei, big business and international financial capital seek to redouble the exploitation of the working class and deepen national plunder. He future of the country, therefore, will be decided in the streets and in the many fights to come. He Left Front —which held an important election on October 26—puts its militancy, its seats and its organization in the working class and youth at the service of the fights necessary to strengthen that perspective.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
