Finally, the apathetic climate that was perceived in the streets during the last weeks was verified in an election with very low electoral participation.
With just 53 % participation, it was the legislative election with the lowest historical concurrence in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, continuing the tendency to the low participation observed in recent weeks in elections such as Salta, Jujuy, Chaco, San Luis or Santa Fe.
Registered within the dynamics of a political system that comes from the crisis of its previous party regime and the attempt to La Libertad advances To consolidate, the “municipal” choice was installed from the beginning as a national importance test. It was already seen as a preparatory for the October elections that will mark a before and after for a national government that, crossed by multiple weaknesses, an important stop is played in the battle for not being defeated and immersing themselves in a large crisis or being strengthened in the fight for trying country is increasingly subjected.
In that sense, Apathy, perhaps the true “winner” of the choiceit accounts for the no more of the previous party regime and not yet of the consolidation of a new one, partially expressing the vestío and the lack of enthusiasm of much of the population, after years of crisis and political failures of spaces of different colors.
From this Sunday night, a new battle begins with the interpretation of the results. Triumphalism exhibited by La Libertad advances When the results are known, standing on the first place conquered and for having triumphed inside the right against the PRO, it seeks to hide, however, an outstanding fact: despite having had the entire device of the state (and an indisimulable support of the IMF to rescue him at his worst time), and having played with everything to Milei already important ministers in the campaign, the winning list was voted by just 15 % To vote, also accounting for an election characterized by a great fragmentation of the political regime, in which 17 lists were presented and the right was strongly divided. In other words: for one reason or another, 85 % of those enabled to vote, or did not attend or opted for a different list of the winner. They are indispensable data to take into account, against all impressionism. An additional fact: we are not facing a growth of the right (comparing with the previous elections of the city), but before a redistribution of the votes between the different rights that have weight in the district.
The other factor to take into account, without a doubt, is that the ruling is trying to sustain precariously an economic situation by force of indebtedness that is presumed difficult to maintain over time, and that it still fails to placate social discomfort, as seen in the growing claims for salary or retirement issues, among others. It is difficult to separate the long years of crisis and apathy adjustments against the political regime.
All that does not mean that the ruling party achieved two important objectives this Sunday, which are the image of Victoria over its opponents and having been imposed by the PRO, on the background battle for hegemonizing to the Argentine right.
Conversely, the PRO, which decided by its own will to unfold and advance the choice, as well as play the figure of Mauricio Macri strong in the last stretch of the campaign to support Silvia Lospenatto, suffered a historical defeat in its bastion of origin, the city of Buenos Aireslosing for the first time an election in almost 20 years. If there were speculation in recent weeks that it could capitalize on the fall of the “clean card” project in the Senate, that clearly did not happen. The yellow party, which had accumulated in recent years the failures of the Government of Cambiemos, the emergency of Javier Milei as a competitor on the right and the breakdown of historical referents such as Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich, is the great defeated of the election and It is very bad conditions to discuss with La Libertad advances The strategic election of the province of Buenos Aires. It should not be ruled out that in the next few days new “jumps” of PRO leaders to Milei’s party are known.
For its part, Peronism, to which many surveys gave as a winner and campaigned with that “historical” possibility, did not achieve its goal of taking advantage of the divisions of the right and remained in second place.In this way, he did not achieve a qualitative change regarding his historical figures in the district, and showed that The total moderation strategy of Leandro Santoro, Alberto Fernández’s friend, betting on a municipalization and depoliticization of the campaign almost in “Larretist” style, and postulating the idea of making Buenos Aires Peronism a new “Cordobesism”, that is, an autonomic, center or center -right peronism, separated from national internal interns, it was a failure. Before a government like Javier Milei that is radicalized by right, Santoro’s moderate campaign did not arouse enthusiasm and is one of the causes of general apathy to which he contributed, when trying to prevent the anger from becoming action. The result is evidenced even more bittersweet for space for this reason: after the failure of the front of all and the moderation of Alberto Fernández that led to a disappointment of his entire base and to the breach of the campaign promises, Peronism chose to repeat the same path in the CABA. Disputes in the province of Buenos Aires between Cristina Kirchner and Axel Kicillof, without evidenced programmatic differences but only power disputes, while letting Milei’s plans run by betting only on a replacement in 2027, they are also part of this picture, just like the complicity of the CGT.
In this complex scenario, the left is proud to have made a lung campaign, without free spaces in the media to spread their ideas, facing millionaire and lists composed and banks by workers, youth fighters, the women’s and human rights movement.
In these adverse conditions, The Left Unit Front managed to be one of the only five lists that enters the Buenos Aires Legislature. Vanina Biasi enters as a legislator and then rotates with the rest of the Fitu forces. And a fact of relevance is that Luca Bonfante, although the objective of entering as a second legislator of space was not achieved, emerged as a new reference in his first electoral campaign and having arisen from a movement of struggle such as that of the University against adjustments to public education. Their role in the streets not only with their classmates students, but also with retirees suffering repression and supporting each struggle of workers, mark a very different fighting path of that of traditional parties.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
