The question of work is again in discussion for several reasons: for the attack on the salary and the working conditions that this government promotes; for the deepening of labor informality and precariousness and, more generally, for the discussion – which comes long – around the function of new technologies and especially artificial intelligence with respect to work. Also because one of the pillars of the program required by the IMF is a new labor reform (the other two axes are a pension reform and another prosecutor).
A new anniversary of May 1 in which the “martyrs of Chicago” is remembered, as well as the general strike that took place a few weeks ago also put on the table the debate about the working class, the situation in the world of work, the relations of force; the potential and also the weaknesses that the working class has.
Some data: according to the Institute of Thought and Public Policies, in 2024, the number of people with multi -employment beat historical records in Argentina. There are working days of 16.8 hours a day, according to this study and 2.4 million people have more than one job. This proportion has not stopped growing since 2016, except during the parenthesis of the pandemic. The last measurement of the 4th quarter of 2024 marked the historical record in multi -employment: 12.4%, since 2016, when it began to measure.
Recently, Luis Campos of the Social Law Observatory of the Autonomous CTA refuted a statement by Minister Luis Caputo in which he said that private sector salaries had recovered in recent times. Campos assured that the main reason for the salary rise in the private sector in recent months seems to have been the increase in hours worked. More income for more work. And he said: “As the Minister says, the Average SIPA salary series (Argentine pension integrated system) has been in the maximums since 2018, but you always have to see the small print. The SIPA methodology expressly says that all the additional non -monthly and, attention to this, the extraordinary hours. Why is this important? Because in the second semester of 2024 the hours worked for each wage They increased 3.3% year -on -year in the third quarter and 5.1% year -on -year in the room.
And one more February report confirmed that the recovery of real salary stagnated in November. The private sector was at the same levels of November 2023 and the public sector 15% below (against 2018 they lose 17.5% and 31.5% respectively).
The minimum, vital and mobile salary is $ 296,832 in March 2025, or $ 1,484 per hour, for temporary workers. It does not reach $ 300,000 per month. In this way it covers only 58.1% of the basic food basket (indigence line) for a type type and just over 25% of the total basic basket (poverty line). These levels are worse than those registered during the 2001 crisis. The fall of the SMVM is not exclusive assets of this management. It has been losing against inflation since 2011. against the peak of September 2011 the deterioration was 62%. If since then it had been updated for inflation, today it would be $ 737,216.
What do all these numbers mean? They state that the adjustment advanced on salary and on the exploitation of workers in terms of their possibilities to almost impossible levels. Impossible for Argentine parameters because, as we know, the value of the workforce is not based only on a mathematical calculation, but have a “historical-moral” component that refers to a relationship of historical forces. That has changed, of course, since the mid -1970s (dictatorship through) to take some point of reference: capital advanced a lot about working conditions, labor conquests and on salary. Now, this is so but not at the level that anything is allowed, despite the setbacks, there is a self -perception of Argentine workers who consider that they must be paid “precisely” for their work and that a labor reform that draws rights cannot be an exit. This comes out in all surveys.
And why is this important? Because the adjustment, strong, deep, that has led the situation to a limit that is very delicate to cross, for the monetary fund is not enough. Moreover, it is just “a starting point.”
That is why they believe that the “great reforms” are still pending and are financing Milei’s electoral campaign with a mountain of dollars borrowed so that it can conquer more political volume to carry them out after October. Among them, a regressive labor reform.
This political limit is so important, that recognition of the relations of force, of the self -perception of the majorities, that the IMF and the capital allow and even help the government so that from here to October (to a certain extent) the opposite “Political dollar”), several of these measures to contain inflation.
In spite of all this help, to this difficult balance, with the peers they have a problem: because they cannot allow “free peers”, they have to put a roof to the increases in salaries (for fear of inflation) and this generates discomfort that came to express themselves in the UTA and other guilds; and even the CGT clicks with the government at this point.
The nodal issue is that the adjustment that comes can no longer be by means of more liquefied wages, the liquefaction is already at the top and, nevertheless, they believe that the adjustment is just beginning.
This will inevitably drive (before or after October) to new probably harder clashes than we saw so far. Because for them the triumphs they achieved in the adjustment are never definitive, they are never strategic, they never reach. The strategic triumph for them is to enslave everyone, is the nature of capital and no one can go against their own nature.
October, and the election marathon until October, are not significant in themselves, are important to think to those who support and what political perspective it is reinforced that they have the will to face the adjustment they prepare.
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