There is a kind of era evil that is the disconnection between words and things. It may have to do with that postmodern ideology that accompanied in the ideological sphere what the neoliberal project did in the social and economic field.
The libertarian brought these scissors to the extreme, right? They promote an authoritarian project on behalf of La Libertad; They carry out an absolute inequality program with the discourse of respect and equality of individuals before the law or postulate subordination without limit to the ambitions of capital in the name of the emancipation of the State. That is, in the case of Javier Milei and his clique is not a disconnection or distortion, but directly transform the signifier into something diametrically contrary to the meaning.
Now, there is a broad spectrum of referents or parties that are in the alleged “opposition” to Milei, but their political practice is not proportional to the complaints they make. Let’s see, they say what we all see: that it is a government that carries out a plan of destruction in all spheres of social life: in education, in health, with retirees and retirees, against institutions that make science. Well, against everything. However, when saying “what we do”, they propose: well we present a project in such commission; We made such a judicial complaint or tweet on.
Many of those, especially those who had been tanked as possible members of an “anti -fascist front” against Milei (for example, Martín Lousteau) before the supreme cutting failure that proscribed Cristina Kirchner, showed the spinner to say academically. That is, they aligned with a judiciary that made a direct intervention on the political system, which is the executing arm of a block of power. I said Lousteau, as Pullaro could say (the governor of Santa Fe), Carrió or Margarita Sztolbizer.
What do I mean? That they had been “denouncing as a champion” because it was a government that advanced “against democracy”, because it was violent, used authoritarian methods, now before a ruling that – as we affirmed last week – has nothing to do with corruption, but it is a political intervention, they forgot everything and supported the resolution of the supremes because they believe they favor them in their calculation of small policy. Or because they actually have much more agreement (content, background) – with the power block behind the ruling or with Milei himself – of what they try to show in their public statements.
Now, on the side of Peronism, whose reference (Cristina Kirchner) is the victim of proscription, something similar also happens. In that space we hear voices that say that “this is no longer a democratic regime” because it cannot be considered that way when it is outlawed to the main leader of the opposition (and this is quite true), even leaders who ensure that we are entering a dictatorship or others that say they already have fascist forms (that debate is being developed in this program).
If this is so, if they really believe (or we believe) that we are facing a very serious fact, before an advanced violent against democratic freedoms, what is the road map? What is the “struggle plan” so that this situation is not firm?
The mobilization of the other day in Plaza de Mayo was very important (taking into account the schedule, which did not participate the most important unions, which there was no unemployment), but the message that remained (even pronounced by Cristina Kirchner itself) left the idea of a very electoral (or electoral) tone and long times. “We are going back” was the slogan instead of “we are not going to stop until the proscription and Milei plan”, to say something.
There you see the limits of a strategy or a path that leads to dilapidate all the force that was expressed in the square (and that has been expressed in many conflicts) that would be a good starting point to defeat the proscription.
Let’s do a logical exercise to understand the approach: if the measure overwhelms democratic freedoms as it had not happened at least since 1983 and is very serious, the answer cannot be merely electoral; If the answer and proposal is purely electoral, it means that the measure is not so serious. It can be as precedent and “there is time” for a passive wait until the Milei plan “falls.” “This model that faces Milei falls because it is unsustainable in economic terms,” said CFK.
There is another point of debate. Many times on the left there have been similar discussions with a current of ideas known as “landslide” or “collapsist” what did they say? They said that the contradictions of capitalism led him to collapse and was only waiting for him to “fall” by one or the other means for our time to arrive.
Obviously it was not even so. Neither capitalism nor the Milei Plan “fall” by themselves (capitalism has demonstrated it long), that depends on the struggle. Moreover, it is not historically ruled out, even, that Milei settles as a reactionary project, even for a time and even has acute contradictions.
But in addition to a matter of analysis, there is a political (and even moral) obligation why allow him to continue with his liberticidal plan, to continue destroying everything? It is necessary to defeat this project here and now. With more reason when to the social opposition forces that had been expressing from before (in hundreds of conflicts) a mass of people who are against political proscription is now added.
Of course, all this with the exception that the implicit reasoning is not that “you have to let Milei fulfill its task” and after an electoral replacement a “reconstruction” is proposed, but on the basis of a country reset by the libertarian.
Starting from the basis that many reject (without conditions) the proscription, without peros and calling things by name, I think these are the discussions that we must face with the people with whom we share the streets against the ruling and, above all, with those who want to discuss against that time sign and intend to unite the words and things again.
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