Editorial. The “coup” is Milei

In the Freak Circus – which Matías Colombati leads in the streaming Gelatina— I participated in an exchange on the consequences of the electoral beating that Javier Milei suffered in the Buenos Aires elections. Within that framework, I referred to the need, to the legitimacy and even the legality of an eventual street resistance that faces this reactionary project of Milei to put a limit or defeat a plan that was widely rejected in the main territory of the country. Obviously: The reference to 2001, to its historical meaning and the character it had arose. Fernando de la Rúa and his officials always said they were victims of a “blow”, and not a popular rebellion.

That was precisely the accusation that came out to make me a large part of the official trolls in networks and some communicational spokesmen, such as Jonatan Viale. Eye: they weren’t just them; There were opposition voices who talked about “irresponsibility” and things like that. But X/Twitter has nothing more than as an essay of political responses that are then tried to make massive.

First, the formal: the idea of resistance is validated even in the Constitution. Article 36 recognizes the right of resistance of citizens against acts of force that interrupt the institutional order and the democratic system. The norm itself says: “All citizens have the right of resistance against those who execute the acts of force set forth in this article.” What are Milei’s actions since the zero minute of his government, if not this?

In the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, Resolution 217, Paris, December 10, 1948) it is affirmed that human rights must be protected by a law regime so that people are not forced to resort to “to the supreme appeal of rebellion against tyranny and oppression”.

I also remembered these days the limit manifesto of the university reform of 1918, gestated in Córdoba: “If in the name of the order we want to continue mocking and dumbling, we proclaim well high the sacred right to insurrection.”

Now, beyond the formal, this refers to a background discussion: who are the anti -democratic? And I do not mean only the question of vote, but to something more substantial and deep: who does not respect the popular will?

If you govern with authoritarian forms, if you worsen the living conditions of all citizens (especially older, children and people with disabilities), if you also do it to clean and repression decrees: who is the one who is shining in democracy – to say academically -? I insist: I do not mean only this political regime, which has structural limits to be really democratic, but to democratic rights in the deepest sense. If capitalism and democracy were always at odds (I refer to respect for elementary democratic freedoms), libertarianism, as a political project and form of government, is the opposite of those rights.

In fact, in this program – and in the meeting of the community in which we will do in the house of Flores, next 09/26, we will continue to talk – it was discussed around what degree of “fascism” they have in blood. Beyond agreeing or not with that qualification, an increasing authoritarianism is evident that increases as its crisis deepens. Let’s look at this week’s veto and even the threat of not complying with the emergency law in disability. Or, immediately after the tremendous electoral setback in the province of Buenos Aires, to go out that they would maintain and deepen the economic plan. The “Caesarista” or “Bonapartist” method is deeply antidemocratic.

In a text that I arrived thanks to a recommendation by Mariano Schuster (regarding this debate), Roberto Gargarella speaks of the “right to resist the right” and remember that, at least since the Middle Ages, the idea of resisting authority is discussed among the theorists of the right of the idea of resisting authority if, for example, he commits a “long chain of abuse” or similar definitions. He quotes founding parents and political philosophers who inspired Anglo -American constitutionalism. Of course: they had to leave, somehow on paper, something that happened in life: societies resist when their rights are overwhelmed.

Qualifying “coup” to popular mobilization has the purpose of defensive: it places us in a position to explain that “no, we are not antidemocratic, we respect this or that.” While anti -democratic, formal and noun, are them, with the grievances that have been carrying out for two years, with authoritarian methods. Trying to stop this liberticidal plan with street mobilization is, among other things, an act of defense of democratic freedoms and, therefore, deeply democratic.

Eye: It also has a very specific political objective: that the popular element – workmen, workers, popular majorities – does not intervene in this crisis. Many of those who were, or now put on, on the opposite side of Milei, after Buenos Aires say: “Well, now nobody touches anything, nobody moves; you have to wait until 2027 and prepare an alternative.”

And while the establishment prepares an alternative – for example, governors who intend to do mileismo by other means and speak “against the extremes” – that would imply that Milei finish the dirty work and advance as much as possible with the structural counter -reforms (labor, pension) so that some of them come later to manage on that devastated land.

This implies, in fact, sustaining Milei, and implies the idea that any alternative proposal – for example, defeat the plan now to at least avoid further damage – would be a kind of “provocation” or not respecting institutionality. Any resemblance to the accusations of “coup” of the libertarian is not pure coincidence.

In this sunset of mileism, postmileism is already discussed. Resisting this plan is not just an act of protection of elementary democratic rights; It is also an act of legitimate defense.

Do you want to know more about this topic? Ask Chatpts

Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com

Leave a ReplyCancel reply

Related News

Leave a ReplyCancel reply

Related News

Sánchez urges ministers to close the first budget sketch this week and present them before November

Ursula von der Leyen calls for suspension of EU free trade with Israel