China at the center of a new multipolar world order

The international order gives signs of change, and China presents itself as an architect of a multipolar project that challenges old structures

In the vast geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, few recent events carry such symbolism and strategic depth as to the Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (OCS) held in Tianjin, followed by the Military Parade in Beijing. These two events, articulated with diplomatic accuracy and symbolic grandeur, were not mere demonstrations of strength or protocol meetings. It was, above all, a clear and unambiguous statement of China’s leadership in building a new international order – more just, more balanced and less subordinate to Western hegemony, particularly the interests of the United States.

The choice of Tianjin, a strategic city in northern China, to host the OCS summit – the world’s largest regional block in terms of population, territory and natural resources – was not casual. It was a calculated political act.

The presence of more than 20 heads of state and government, including central figures such as Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, turned the city into a global decisions epicenter. More than a diplomatic meeting, the event in Tianjin was a collective manifesto against unilateralism, a rejection of the political, economic and military domain exercised by the United States over the destinations of the planet.

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OCS, created with the decisive support of Beijing, has been consolidated as the main cooperation forum between nations that seek strategic autonomy. Its growth is impressive: full members such as India, Pakistan, Iran and Belarus; Observers such as Afghanistan and Mongolia; and a growing list of dialogue partners, including United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Qatar, Myanmar and Sri Lanka. This mosaic of nations, although marked by historical rivalries and divergent interests, converges at a fundamental point: the need for a multipolar world, where the sovereignty of each nation is respected and where global decisions are not dictated by a single power.

China, through OCS, has been masterfully demonstrated its ability to unite countries with different trajectories under the same diplomatic ceiling. It is true that tensions exist – India, for example, keeps border disputes with China and Pakistan; Iran and Saudi Arabia carry deep rivalries; And Central Asia still feels the echoes of Russian influence.

But it is precisely in this context of diversity that Chinese diplomacy stands out. Instead of imposing solutions, Beijing promotes dialogue, mutual respect and practical cooperation. The realization of the summit is already a diplomatic victory: gathering so many actors with conflicting interests around a table is a rare feat in the history of international politics.

And it is in this scenario that China emerges as the true architect of a new paradigm. While the United States insists on strategies of containment, unilateral sanctions, and military alliances such as Quad – which clearly aims to contain Chinese rise – Beijing offers an alternative based on multilateralism, non -interference and economic cooperation. Proof of this is in Chinese trade with Russia, which has sustained the Russian economy in the face of western pressures, or in increasingly narrow relations with Southeast Asia, Middle East and Africa countries.

The interaction between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Modi, after seven years of distancing, is a clear example of this new dynamic. Although relations between China and India are still marked by distrust, especially after the Himalayan confrontation in 2020, India has begun to rethink its alliance with Washington.

The 50% rates imposed by former President Donald Trump, in retaliation for Indian Russian oil purchases, were a warning: US strategic dependence comes with high political and economic costs. China, on the other hand, offers a path of dialogue, cooperation and respect for sovereignty. The signing of an agreement on the border line in 2024, albeit fragile, is a sign that dialogue is possible – and that China is willing to lead this process with patience and firmness.

The meeting between Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, the first after the meeting between Putin and Trump in Alaska, also carries a deep symbolic weight. While the US try in vain to isolate Russia, China reaffirms its commitment to a “boundless” strategic partnership.

This alignment is not only economic – it is political, diplomatic and civilizational. It represents the consolidation of an axis that challenges the western narrative of moral and political superiority. And at the same time, he puts China in a central position: not as a subordinate ally, but as an equal partner, capable of shaping the future of Eurasia.

But China’s message is not limited to meeting rooms. It also manifests itself in acts of great symbolism. The decision to prolong the stay of leaders on Chinese soil to participate in the Military Parade in Beijing on September 3, a date that marks the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II in Asia, is a clear example of this.

More than a historical celebration, the parade is a statement of sovereignty, a demonstration of strength and a tribute to the millions of Chinese who resisted the Japanese imperial aggression. It is also a message to the world: China will no longer be a subjugated nation. It is a resisting, developing power that is ready to lead.

The confirmed presence of leaders such as North Korea Kim Jong Un, Serbia’s Aleksandar Vucic, and Robert Fico from Slovakia reinforces the scope of Chinese influence. These countries, often marginalized or pressured by the West, find in Beijing a partner who respects their independence. Modi’s expected absence in the parade – with the possibility of sending his chancellor as a representative – shows that even Washington’s closest allies are reevaluating their positions. China does not require blind loyalty; It offers respect, cooperation and opportunities.

It is in this context that the Chinese strategy is clearly revealed: Tianjin was the stage of multilateral diplomacy, dialogue and consensus construction. Beijing will be the stage of the affirmation of power, historical memory and the projection of leadership. Together, the two events form a coherent narrative: China does not seek confrontation, but does not fear the confrontation. She defends peace, but is ready to protect her sovereignty. It respects the differences, but does not accept interference.

The expected joint statement at the end of the dome – carefully written to please all members, with mentions of security, economic cooperation and multilateralism – may seem vague for Western observers. But its true value is in symbolism: achieving a consensus among so many nations with different interests is, in itself, a victory. And it’s a Chinese victory. As researcher Daniel Balazs stated, “the symbolism of actually achieving a joint statement is more important than the content of the statement itself.”

China, under the leadership of Xi Jinping, perfectly understands that global power today is not only measured in tanks or missiles, but in networks of influence, a capacity for diplomatic articulation and the ability to offer a future vision. OCS is living proof of this. It is not a military alliance like NATO, nor a closed ideological block. It is a space of pragmatic cooperation, where sovereignty is non -negotiable, where development is collective and where mutual respect is the basis of everything.

While the West insists on promoting an order based on sanctions, interventions and division, China proposes an order based on dialogue, shared development and lasting peace. And that’s why the world is looking at Tianjin. This is why Global South Leaders are increasingly focused on Beijing.

The New World Order will not be unipolar. Nor will it be bipolar. It will be multipolar – and China is already at the center.

With information from news agencies*