The government begins to gradually recover vital constants. After the paralysis that followed the impact for the Santos Cerdán scandal, the week has passed without shocks in the courts and the oxygen ball that the NATO summit has meant for Pedro Sánchez. The president sent the message of a Spain that uncheck the unconditional follow -up to the war plans of the United States. And the clash with Donald Trump is long the best political news that Moncloa has had in many months.

Although the UN Summit in Seville next week will still keep a few days in the shelter of the national political stormy, Sánchez plans to use the respite of the weekend to start preparing its two great quotes of the summer. In the first, the Federal Committee of the PSOE next Saturday, the faces will be seen with the paintings of his party after the earthquake that has meant the imputation of the second secretary of organization involved in a corrupt plot. Only four days later will go to Congress on July 9 to appear before the plenary in a session that everyone expects it to be high voltage.

What they transfer from the president’s team is to face the preparation of these calls with very different approaches. Because the official discourse is that the case of corruption has exploded in the heart of the PSOE, but not from the government. And that is why the approach is to admit the responsibilities of what happened in Ferraz but to turn at the same time to protect the action and reputation of the Executive as the main argument to hold a legislature in permanent question and before the siege of the rights.

That or not that message among parliamentary partners and in public opinion in general depends, to a large extent, the future of the mandate of Pedro Sánchez. But the plan has several difficulties. The first, the complication of perimetering damage to the party’s secretariat. Because Santos Cerdán was organically number three of the PSOE, but politically it was much more than that. Until the UCO report was known, without going any further, one of the few people belonging to the president’s closest core of the president. A privilege position that had reported his work as an interlocutor of Carles Puigdemont and the main Muñidor, therefore, of the last investiture.

But the most serious threat to the strategy of safeguarding the government’s government in the party is that the future of judicial investigation will end up impregnating everything and the stain of corruption extends. A scenario that nobody dares to rule out a hundred percent. Everyone is clear in the party and in the executive that there are more names to leave. This is a logical hypothesis: if Cerdán, Ábalos and Koldo really managed to rise contracts to take bites, they could not do it alone. And the political range that their possible accomplices reach in the government will depend that this case ends up taking the coalition ahead or not.

In La Moncloa they believe (or want to believe) that none of the names of the first political level indicated so far is involved in the scandal no matter how much recordings of Koldo García can leave with conversations in which they participate. That is, they transfer their full confidence in the honesty of Minister Ángel Víctor Torres and the president of the Congress, Francina Armengol, about the efforts that both have led to the front of the governments of their respective archipelagos. And they draw a circle in which they include a dozen intermediate positions, with responsible for public companies, members of the hiring tables or area technicians, whose names could join those already splashed. If that does not happen from there, the president believes to be willing to endure.

Self -critical secretary, offensive president

For the appearance of July 9 in Congress, Moncloa works with a package of anti -corruption measures demanded by their partners. During this week, in fact, the interlocution with those parliamentary allies to agree on the Block of Proposals is planned. The other leg of his speech will be to claim his legacy as president and the work of his Council of Ministers, which he will present as a group of men and women of impeccable trajectory and who keep the country in high levels of economic progress and social advances in the middle of the tsunami ultra that ravages Europe and a good part of the world.

A message that will also use to contrast the action of your government to the alternative of an executive shared by the PP and Vox in which the ultra -right can hold a decisive power in the future of national policy. And put at risk, therefore, consolidated advances in recent decades.

That approach that the government is clean of any suspicion would not marry a deep remodeling of the Council of Ministers that, in any case, was projected for the start of the next political course. Although it is a decision that strictly concerns the president of the Government and about which no one is able to confirm or deny anything, most of his team maintains that the shots do not go there and that, except last minute, they do not expect changes to the Executive.

A radically opposite situation to that of the PSOE, which will celebrate next Saturday the federally longer and more complicated federal committee of how many has faced the president from his return to the General Secretariat in 2018. Pedro Sánchez will speak of the betrayal of a few and the personal error of trusting who he should not. But, above all, he will listen. And as the Socialist Directorate awaits, he will listen to everything, with territorial organizations that fear paying broken dishes in the next regional and municipal.

What was not finished profiling before the president’s return of the president was the draft of the mandatory restructuring to which he will submit to the party. And the scenarios are several and disparate. There is the thesis of those who defend that from an earthquake of the magnitude of two organization secretaries imputed by corruption only leaves if the PSOE is turned as a sock and its structure is fully reformed. Something unlikely, since Sanchez already discarded the call for an extraordinary congress.

The second thesis is that restructuring not only affects the Ministry of Organization but also includes the departure of the people who maintained during all these years a close political or personal relationship with Cerdán and Ábalos. That action would entail, however, two risks in the opinion of several leaders consulted. The first, that would be something as delicate as pointing to people for a corruption scandal for which, to date, they are not even splatter. And the second, that in that portrait robot of person who has maintained a close political or personal relationship with Ábalos and Cerdán fits Pedro Sánchez himself.

Therefore, and without anyone daring to rule out anything, which would least surprise at this point among the socialist ranks is that the renewal of the dome of the party is, in a certain way, surgical. The departure not only of Juanfran Serrano, the number two of Cerdán, but of the organization work team as a whole, among whom it is assumed that there are people with a service sheet to the Impoluta PSOE that were involved in the negotiation with Junts and in the investiture, but now they believe that they must take a step to the side for what happened.

After the departure of Cerdán, the first person indicated to become number 3 of the PSOE was the deputy Montse Mínguez, general secretary of the Socialist Parliamentary Group in Congress, a person of trust of Salvador Illa and with a gained reputation between his own ranks and among the legislature partners with whom he acts as an interlocutor who portray it as an “honest and hardworking person”.

Mínguez is part, in fact, of the work team that Pedro Sánchez has entrusted to take the reins of the Ministry of Organization to the Federal Committee. And it is a profile that adapts exactly what the president seeks with the bureaucratic complexity that, formally, he is a member of the PSC and not of the PSOE, two legally different formations. A difficulty that many people in the socialist ranks believe viable.

The objective, in any case, is none other than to arrive with political life to the month of August, an idea that in the president’s own team there were those who considered a chimera only two weeks ago and now begins to gain more followers. Although for this you have to always keep an eye in the courts.

Source: www.eldiario.es



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