Beneath the set of images that rise and profound transformations take place on the political scene. Editorial of “El Círculo Rojo”, a program on La Izquierda Diario that is broadcast every Thursday from 10pm to 12pm on Radio Con Vos 89.9.

  • “Milei is at his best,” political analysts affirmed almost unanimously when they reviewed last week. They were based on an alleged recovery in the polls and along with this assertion two questions circulated again: What if it works?, on the one hand; and on the other: Why doesn’t it explode?
  • In addition to the issue of image – which has its limits because even the consultants who obtain generally favorable results for the Government clarify that this “best moment” has the figures of the “worst moment” of other governments – but well, if we take it for granted This recovery is valid, they also add the increase in debt securities, the reduction in country risk, a certain entry of dollars into the financial system due to money laundering and, more generally, a financial summer that expresses the support of certain fractions of the capital to the economic direction and an enthusiasm for the benefits they have obtained during all this time. That is a face of Argentina, of a minority, while the majority suffers the consequences of the plan in the real economy.
  • Now, the two questions “What if it works?” and “Why doesn’t it explode?” They contain a trap each.
  • In the first there is a conceptual problem and a political one. The conceptual problem (which is also political) is that arbitrary division between macro and microeconomics, in which the first (this is almost a general consensus) would be a “technical” issue and the second can become more political.
  • This conceptual division allows us to affirm: well, in the “macro” Milei is doing things quite well, or a few things well, but he should take more into account the “micro.” That is the reasoning of some who are a kind of mileists themselves or mileists without class consciousness.
  • This is false through and through. If you have a “macro” outlined in terms of, first of all, paying the fraudulent debt, but also reducing taxes for the richest and adjusting for the poorest; If the “balance” is achieved in this way, the “micro” is sung: fewer salaries, fewer retirements, less consumption of the popular sectors, more tariffs, greater unemployment or precariousness, etc.
  • So “macro” and “micro” are intimately linked and both are essentially political. That is to say, it is a political decision which interests are affected and which ones are benefited. It seems like a truism, sorry, but that division (a very “neoliberal” conception that reduces economics to mathematics) is heard a lot, not only in politics, but also in journalism.
  • The second aspect, little taken into account, in this matter of… “What if it works?” It is the role of the collaborationists from all over the political spectrum who generously oil the mileist machinery so that it “works.” The voluntary givers of functionality, we could say. The transoms that, by action or omission, are part of the device, and perhaps essential for the device to “work” on its own terms.
  • This is touched upon with the second question (“Why doesn’t it explode?”) A question that is even trickier: because in its own way, a part of Argentine society is “exploding.” I try to explain myself and I am going to paraphrase an old formula: “Argentine society has the level of ‘explosion’ that the conservative leaderships of the workers or the popular movement allow it to have.”
  • Because this question has several folds: a more literal one that is based on a somewhat mechanical conception of history that considers that in the face of each adjustment like the current one, society should respond to 2001. That is, literally, by exploding (looting, revolts, etc.). And the reality is that history never repeats itself, the conditions are never the same (neither economic, nor political, nor social, nor ideological).
  • Now, a second aspect of this way of approaching the question, a little more perverse – consciously or unconsciously – is the one that considers that – since it is not repeated in the form of that outburst – nothing happens. The question of why it doesn’t explode translates as why nothing happens, why there is no answer. And this is completely false.
  • If we look closely at this year, from the beginning of Milei’s management there were responses, there were and are “outbreaks”, resistance, some more partial, others massive. The first mobilizations of the women’s movement, on March 24; also the first concentrations of the CGT (in Courts); actions called almost to fail (without preparation, at terrible times, in complicated places), and yet, they always “exceeded expectations.” That is to say, even the worst calls were responded well.
  • Later we had conflicts about primary or secondary teaching in Neuquén, in Córdoba, in Santa Fe, in Entre Ríos. After mobilizations of retirees against the veto of salary increases, the marches against the “Bases Law” resisting harsh repressions.
  • Later the first national university march in April (one million people), then the second, until the national rebellion with takeovers and assemblies, still ongoing. Massive conflicts like that of the AFIP; forceful strikes like the one in transportation last Wednesday or struggles like that of our interviewees today from Petroquimica Río Tercero.
  • A parenthesis: not only at the bottom is there a response, but also at the top there are beginning to be “cracks.” This is how Paolo Rocca expressed it, for example, when at the Alacero forum (of the steel sector) he said: “The playing field is not balanced. Our industry cannot compete with China. We need state policy to support us. Defense against unfair competition is essential, added to stability in the rules of the game, the reduction of the tax burden, an exchange rate that reflects factor productivity and not short-term capital flows. Rocca is not just any businessman, he is one of the most important. That is to say, there is not only a response from below, there is also friction from above.
  • If, faced with this scenario, each person did not compromise on their own side and unify, we could not have an “outbreak” (because neither are “blind, deaf and dumb” outbursts the panacea of ​​protest); Maybe we could have something better: a plan of struggle, a national strike (that includes and contains all those affected, such as the precarious) and that puts Milei in check. That is, by dismantling the “impersonal” questions that blame a fanciful economic automatism or “blame” society for a passivity that is not such, we can reach those responsible towards whom all the questions should point.

    • Politics / CGT / Deuda / Paolo Rocca / Javier Milei

    Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com



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