“I’m a little lost and I’m starting to stop caring.” Slow swimmers.
Peronism passes the time of a historic crisis. The ultimate reasons are beyond leadership and names. They transcend the boring universe of the exhausting chicana, which speaks of “betrayals”, Judas and Pontius Pilate. In that world of crossed accusations, they appear as the differences between Cristina Kirchner and Axel Kicillof are incomprehensible.
As discussed a week ago in this program Counterpoint the debate does not seem to reach programmatic contours. Nor would it do to specific orientations. The Buenos Aires governor recites the mantra of the “new melodies” only to try to make effective what has already been sung by the former vice president: to expand Peronism to the right, summoning a wide range of wills.
Peronism inhabits the world of “little politics”. That which, in Gramsci’s terms, ran in the narrow frames of personal disputes or regroupings that, beyond their fierceness, did not transcend the limits of what was established. That shape of the policy is declared powerless for great transformations. It aspires, resigned, to leave the dominant social, economic and political structures intact.
Peronism cannot offer a “great politics” that encourages a structural transformation of the country in the interest of the majority. It only proposes a nuanced version of the adjustment ordered by the International Monetary Fund. Stuck in that contradiction, discuss what you can discuss: names and positions.
That limitation was not born yesterday. It has been deployed for a long time in the movement that still proclaims “fighting capital.” The experience of the Frente de Todos accelerated that dynamic. From the painful capitulation to the Vicentin cereal company until the ratification according to the IMFthe government led by Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner appeared in permanent prostration before the most concentrated business community, which – temporary owner of the large means of production – outlines the destinies of the country.
Within the Peronist multiverse, Kirchnerism offered a semi-critical discourse apart from that orientation. But the performativity of language is limited: Saying a fight is not the same as fighting it.. The repeated denunciations of economic power did not give rise to any significant mobilization capable of promoting a new relationship between the State and economic power. Progressive “statism” had too many words and lacked facts.
The result? Pave the way for the triumph of the rabid pro-market right that Milei embodied.
Leadership crisis
The secular liturgy of Peronism says that “who wins leads and who loses accompanies.” In that complexity that inhabiting the plain implies, the cabotage winners They are few, but they feel entitled to claim some command. Even if it is that of the rusty Justicialist Party.
CFRPon the contrary, appears as one of the faces of the electoral defeat. Having failed in their attempts to define responsibilities in the election of Alberto Fernández, the heavy shadow of the last Peronist administration accompanies her everywhere.
At this point Kicillof distance marker. Winner in his district, he does not feel bound by a system of rules that offers the nostalgic legitimacy of the past. The Kirchnerist administrations (2003-2015) are far behind in time. Just over here, 2017 is presented as the date of the Christian electoral revalidation in Buenos Aires territory. Seven years passed; four of them under the government of the Frente de Todos.
He break between CFK and Kicillof expresses a novelty. It remodels a political space that has maintained continuity since December 2015. It constitutes, at the same time, a notable limit to the influence of the former vice president. Even triumphing in the Peronist internal, “pure” Kirchnerism descends down the table, towards the territory occupied by the ailing fractions of the pan-Peronist world.
¿Las 2025 parliamentary elections Could you reverse that scenario? Too much time and too many questions for such a long time gap. Uncertainties include legal threats against CFK and the eventual approval of the Clean Record Law. Empowering a discretionary and arbitrary Judiciary, this rule would make his electoral career impossible.
Excess of Judas and Pontius Pilate
The growing Peronist fragmentation offers opportunities to the ruling party. Diving into the internals, wallet in hand, Milei successfully executes an intense negotiation that has allowed him to guarantee an unstable mechanics that alternates vetoes and decrees. This work required the consensus of a fraction of governors, deputies and senators who made up the Unión por la Patria lists. A troupe of Judas, actively ready for give and take.
Eager to form a pole that attracts the most recalcitrant Peronist right, Victoria Villarruel decided to exalt the figure of María Estela Martínez de Perón. The vice president is building for the future, seeking to take advantage of the Justicialist diaspora. He has sympathizers in that territory: Guillermo Moreno is one; Sergio Berniother. No minor fact: this Sunday, from the C5N screen, the former carapintada criticized Axel Kicillof. His wife and political partner, national representative Agustina Propato, occupies a prominent place on Cristina Kirchner’s internal list.
In that dispersion, the union world plays its own game. At first glance, compared to the Executive Branch, it appears divided between semi-official supporters and semi-opposition members. The former act as explicit allies of the adjustment in progress; The latter offer a menu of criticisms that fail to be converted into combat measures commensurate with the intensity of the attack. Offering a permanent truce, the CGT and the CTA They guarantee the mileist advance. They work like true Pontius Pilates of that resistance that is beginning to flourish in universities and workplaces.
The scheme does not maintain the same rigidity in the Peronist internal system. Ricardo Pignanellia bureaucratic figure who totally leads the national Smata, occupies a prominent place on the list headed by CFK. Apparently on the other side of the Peronist rift, Héctor Daer and Pablo Moyano were located meters behind Axel Kicillof last Thursday, at the event intended to celebrate the so chipped Peronist loyalty.
Only time will tell if new Judas emerge in that Peronism is a quasi-liquid state. Pontius Pilate abounds at the moment.
Polarization and resistance
Unbridled attempt at polarizationthe brutal presidential statement about the “box of Kirchnerism and Cristina” defines the contours of a time marked by the rise of political extremes. Fueled right-wing hateMilei is betting on the consolidation of what it considers a hard core.
On the other side of the social scene, responding to the right-wing fierceness, a nascent resistance is outlinedwhich today counts student movement as protagonist. There is also a growing collective unease towards the real results of the current economic plan.
The Youth of the PTS-Frente de Izquierda plays strongly to the extension and development of that resistance: promoting the tendencies towards democratic self-organization; encouraging fighting measures that allow the claims to be massified; betting on the unity and coordination with other sectors in struggle; facing the maneuvers of university authorities and bureaucratic directorates, who are betting on the moderation of the claim and its channeling in the limited outline of the 2025 Budget.
He peronismOn the contrary, it offers a image of alienation to that nascent resistance. Dissociation is not a direct result of the internal crisis. Rather, it corresponds to a strategic orientation. Internal differences do not overshadow a coincidence: betting that the anger against Milei will be channeled only electorally. Be in 2025 or in 2027that let it happen adjustment entails the growth of misery and poverty. Prepare to return to a devastated country for the liberal-libertarian adjustment.
Esa strategy determines the orientation of the fundamental actors in the Peronist movement. The bureaucratic union leadership sets the pace in the same place: further away or closer to power, it works as a guarantor of the so-called “social peace.” Simultaneously, in the rabid cataract of daily accusations, no sector of the political apparatus reproaches its adversaries for little or no combativeness in the struggles. The criticisms are almost always listed from the right.
The ways of hope
As far back as May 2019, Cristina Kirchner appointed Alberto Fernández as a presidential candidate. Aligned with that strategy were many of its current internal contenders. Today, on the plain of defeat, Peronism proposes the same path. The future will tell what new or old names will complete the electoral menu. Beyond the faces, we are invited to repeat the apothegm of the malmenorbasis of the last and most resounding failure. In the historical crisis that is ongoingappears unable to offer another alternative.
In the face of hopeless hopeit is possible start building another future. One that is nourished by the power that is beginning to unfold in worker and student struggles. What do you know feed that combative youthwhich – flooding the streets and taking over powers – challenges the ruling right. A future that turns resignation and skepticism into the past.
Source: www.laizquierdadiario.com
